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HRF classifies Sweden as democratic.
The Kingdom of Sweden is a constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary system of government. The monarch (currently King Carl XVI Gustaf) serves as the formal head of state but exercises only ceremonial and symbolic authority. Legislative power is vested in the unicameral parliament (Riksdag), which has 349 members elected through proportional representation. Executive power is exercised by the government, led by the prime minister and accountable to the Riksdag. Sweden has a long tradition of parliamentary democracy, minority governments, and coalition politics, in which no single party has consistently commanded an absolute majority. In recent decades, the left-wing Social Democratic Party has been Sweden’s most electorally successful party, holding government for long periods, though it has alternated in and out of office, including being in opposition since 2022. The current government, formed after the 2022 election, in which a center-right bloc narrowly won a parliamentary majority over left-wing parties, is led by Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson and supported by a center-right coalition.
National elections in Sweden are largely free and fair. Highly competitive elections have resulted in transfers of power, most recently in the 2022 general election, which saw a right-wing coalition win after a long period of left-wing parliamentary control. While observers have noted some administrative weaknesses in the election administration (such as the lack of formal observer accreditation and ballot-sealing procedures), these issues do not undermine the overall fairness or competitiveness of the electoral process. Electoral oversight in Sweden is independent and was not undermined by the authorities.
Independent media outlets, civil society organizations (CSOs), and members of the general public are largely free to openly criticize the government. Media pluralism is strong, and the government has taken additional measures to strengthen safeguards protecting journalists from abusive lawsuits and harassment. Civil society remains active, with many organizations operating across the political spectrum, and peaceful protests are held frequently without undue interference.
Institutions in Sweden are independent and serve as effective checks on the government. Professional judges are appointed through an independent process in which the judiciary plays a central role in limiting government discretion. However, institutional concerns remain regarding the independence of lay judges (nämndemän), who are appointed through political parties and, in rare cases, have been subject to pressure in their decision-making by the appointing party. While the government has not yet introduced meaningful safeguards to address the vulnerability of lay judges, it has advanced reforms further strengthening the independence of professional judges. Accordingly, Sweden’s judiciary remains able to hear cases challenging the government and to hold public officials accountable.
Sweden’s national elections are largely free and fair, free of voting irregularities or electoral fraud. The ruling party does not enjoy any significant and unfair advantages in the elections, while the mainstream opposition parties actively participate in the election process. Electoral oversight in Sweden is independent and decentralized, and not seriously undermined by the government.
The government has not engaged in significant voting irregularities or electoral fraud. International election observers reported that the 2022 general elections were well organized, well resourced, and conducted in a professional manner across all 278 polling stations nationwide, with no evidence of systematic interference in party competition or vote counting. That said, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), in its needs-assessment report prior to the elections, noted several administrative and technical shortcomings, including the lack of an explicit legal basis for citizen and international election observation, insufficient transparency in party and campaign finance, and limitations in media oversight mechanisms. Despite these shortcomings, elections in Sweden remained fair and competitive.
The absence of significant and unfair advantages enjoyed by the governing authorities is further reflected in the active participation of mainstream opposition parties in the election process, as well as in the highly competitive and narrow results of the 2022 general election. The right-wing bloc, comprising the Moderate Party, the Sweden Democrats, the Christian Democrats, and the Liberals, won 49.5% of the vote and 176 of the 349 seats in the Riksdag, securing a governing majority by a narrow three-seat margin over the left-wing bloc led by the Social Democrats together with the Left Party, the Greens, and the Centre Party, which had controlled parliament in previous electoral cycles. Notably, the Sweden Democrats made a historic breakthrough, becoming the second-largest party with 20.6% of the vote, while the Social Democrats remained the largest single party with 30.5%.
Electoral oversight in Sweden is independent and was not seriously undermined by the Swedish government. Election oversight is handled through a decentralized but coordinated system in which the Swedish Election Authority (Valmyndigheten) sets the national framework (including the voter register, guidance, and training), while 21 County Administrative Boards oversee key regional tasks such as candidate registration and vote counting, and 290 Municipal Election Committees run polling stations and recruit staff. The Swedish Election Authority lacks enforcement powers: it can provide guidance, training, and support, but it cannot compel local or regional election bodies to follow specific security or administrative measures. Although observers note that this can lead to some inconsistencies in electoral administration nationwide, it also reflects institutional limits on the government’s ability to control the election process.
Independent media outlets, civil society organizations, political actors, and members of the general public are largely free to express dissenting views, and the government has not targeted dissenting organizations or media because of their views. Sweden enjoys high levels of media diversity and pluralism, and the government has not unfairly biased media coverage in its favor, instead providing safeguards against undue interference in media reporting and the ability to voice dissent. Civil society is active, with numerous and diverse organizations and frequent peaceful demonstrations.
The Swedish government has not targeted or shut down organisations because of dissenting views. On the contrary, Sweden hosts a large and diverse civil society, with CSOs working across areas such as environmental protection and biodiversity, sustainable development, human rights and humanitarian assistance, conflict resolution, education, and culture, and spanning a range of political views. Moreover, Swedish civil society and international CSO engagement are financially supported by the government, mainly through the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency and the Ministry for Foreign Affairs.
The Swedish government has not systematically manipulated media coverage in its favor. The media sector is overseen by an independent broadcasting commission within the Swedish Press and Broadcasting Authority (Mediemyndigheten), which administers a licensing and oversight system for public broadcasters. Under this framework, Sweden’s media remain largely independent of political influence: public service broadcasters (SVT, SR, and UR) operate under laws guaranteeing editorial independence, and private media are generally free and diverse, even though ownership is concentrated among a small number of large media groups.
In 2025, the government proposed legislation to implement the EU Anti-SLAPP Directive, strengthening protections for journalists, human rights defenders, and others participating in public debate by streamlining court procedures and safeguarding against the misuse of civil litigation to silence reporting. This was done in response to reports that journalists face online harassment, threats, and abusive lawsuits, such as SLAPPs from third parties.
The Swedish government has not seriously and unfairly repressed protests or gatherings. Law enforcement and the courts generally allow dissenters to demonstrate openly and intervene only when legal restrictions are violated or when violence occurs. For example, during the 2022 protests triggered by a far-right activist’s Quran burning, some demonstrations turned violent, with protesters attacking police and damaging property, causing injuries and destruction. Police responded by using pepper spray, batons, and arrests to restore public order. More than 40 people were later convicted in court for violent offenses related to the riots. Overall, Sweden’s response to protests has remained lawful and proportionate, and it has not involved systematic or excessive repression of peaceful dissent.
Swedish institutions are independent and generally serve as effective checks on the government. Impartial appointment procedures contribute to structurally independent courts that have demonstrated the capacity to uphold the freedom of dissent, even when doing so would impose constraints on executive authority. Independent oversight bodies have also proved effective and enjoy high public trust.
The government has not subjected judicial institutions to reforms that abolish or seriously weaken their independence or operational effectiveness. Judicial independence in Sweden is protected by the nation’s constitution, which guarantees that courts are independent and that neither the Riksdag, the government, nor any public authority may interfere in judicial decision-making. Institutionally, the courts are administered by a government agency, the Swedish National Courts Administration (Domstolsverket), which operates under the Ministry of Justice. However, this administrative link does not compromise judicial independence, since the Swedish National Courts Administration has no authority to influence how judges decide cases. Its role is limited to budgeting, staffing, and technical and logistical support. Notably, the Swedish judiciary also enjoys a very high level of public trust and perceived independence.
Judicial independence is further protected by the system for appointing and removing professional judges, ensuring that members of the judicial branch who rule contrary to government interests do not face retaliation. Judges are formally appointed by the Swedish government, but only after mandatory review by the Judges’ Proposals Board (Domarnämnden), a body dominated by senior judges. Once appointed, judges enjoy strong security of tenure. A professional judge may be removed only for a serious crime or repeated neglect of duty. Removal decisions are made in practice by the state’s National Disciplinary Offence Board (Statens ansvarsnämnd, whose decisions may be subject to independent judicial review. With respect to justices of the Supreme Court and the Supreme Administrative Court, proceedings concerning removal, suspension, or disciplinary measures may be initiated only by the Parliamentary Ombudsman or the Chancellor of Justice (Justitiekanslern), who may bring such cases before the Supreme Court, which alone has the authority to decide on removal.
Although Sweden’s judiciary is generally regarded as highly independent, a limited institutional vulnerability exists in relation to lay judges, non-professional members of the judiciary who sit alongside career judges and have equal voting power. Although they are legally required to act independently, they are nominated by political parties and elected by local councils, which creates a potential risk of political influence. For example, in 2023, Sweden’s Court of Appeal acquitted a man accused of raping a minor, causing nationwide outrage. Two of the judges were lay judges appointed by the Social Democratic Party. After the verdict, they were called to a party “coaching meeting” and resigned immediately afterward, a move the Social Democratic Party’s district chair described as “wise.” Although this episode was widely criticized as political interference, it does not amount to a systematic pattern that seriously undermines judicial independence or the functioning of the courts.
Furthermore, the government proposed reforms to further support judicial independence. In 2025, the government proposed a bill to strengthen constitutional protections for the courts by reducing political influence over court administration and judicial appointments. The proposal would reduce political influence over the Swedish National Courts Administration by introducing a new governance model in which the courts themselves nominate members to its board. It would also limit the government’s role in appointing justices to the Supreme Court and the Supreme Administrative Court by making such appointments dependent on requests from the courts themselves. That said, the proposal focuses on professional judges and falls short of addressing the noted institutional vulnerabilities affecting the independence of lay judges.
Despite the aforementioned shortcomings, observers report that the Swedish court’s ability to hear cases challenging the government is not being suppressed. In fact, courts can review decisions made by the government and its agencies across a wide range of issues, and they do so without interference. For example, in 2020, in the case Girjas Sameby v. the Swedish State, an indigenous Sami village sued the Swedish government, challenging the state’s practice of issuing hunting and fishing permits in the village’s traditional reindeer-herding area. The Supreme Court of Sweden ruled against the state, holding that the village, not the government, had the legal authority to grant those rights, thereby limiting state power and overturning long-standing government practice.
Finally, the government has not subjected executive or independent oversight institutions to reforms that abolish or seriously weaken their independence or operational independence. In fact, the Swedish institutions have the capacity to hold authority officials accountable when needed. Sweden’s prosecutors, courts, and oversight bodies, notably the Parliamentary Ombudsmen, are reported to function effectively as mechanisms for holding public officials to account. For example, following a major IT security scandal at the Swedish Transport Agency, prosecutors held senior officials accountable. In March 2015, the agency’s IT systems were outsourced to IBM, allowing unvetted foreign contractors access to highly sensitive data, including the national driver’s license registry and information on protected identities. In 2017, prosecutors fined the agency’s former director-general, Maria Ågren, 70,000 Swedish kronor for violating security and privacy laws after she approved the contract despite legal breaches. Political accountability followed shortly thereafter: in July 2017, Interior Minister Anders Ygeman and Infrastructure Minister Anna Johansson resigned after parliamentary scrutiny and the imminent threat of a no-confidence vote.
HRF classifies Sweden as democratic.
The Kingdom of Sweden is a constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary system of government. The monarch (currently King Carl XVI Gustaf) serves as the formal head of state but exercises only ceremonial and symbolic authority. Legislative power is vested in the unicameral parliament (Riksdag), which has 349 members elected through proportional representation. Executive power is exercised by the government, led by the prime minister and accountable to the Riksdag. Sweden has a long tradition of parliamentary democracy, minority governments, and coalition politics, in which no single party has consistently commanded an absolute majority. In recent decades, the left-wing Social Democratic Party has been Sweden’s most electorally successful party, holding government for long periods, though it has alternated in and out of office, including being in opposition since 2022. The current government, formed after the 2022 election, in which a center-right bloc narrowly won a parliamentary majority over left-wing parties, is led by Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson and supported by a center-right coalition.
National elections in Sweden are largely free and fair. Highly competitive elections have resulted in transfers of power, most recently in the 2022 general election, which saw a right-wing coalition win after a long period of left-wing parliamentary control. While observers have noted some administrative weaknesses in the election administration (such as the lack of formal observer accreditation and ballot-sealing procedures), these issues do not undermine the overall fairness or competitiveness of the electoral process. Electoral oversight in Sweden is independent and was not undermined by the authorities.
Independent media outlets, civil society organizations (CSOs), and members of the general public are largely free to openly criticize the government. Media pluralism is strong, and the government has taken additional measures to strengthen safeguards protecting journalists from abusive lawsuits and harassment. Civil society remains active, with many organizations operating across the political spectrum, and peaceful protests are held frequently without undue interference.
Institutions in Sweden are independent and serve as effective checks on the government. Professional judges are appointed through an independent process in which the judiciary plays a central role in limiting government discretion. However, institutional concerns remain regarding the independence of lay judges (nämndemän), who are appointed through political parties and, in rare cases, have been subject to pressure in their decision-making by the appointing party. While the government has not yet introduced meaningful safeguards to address the vulnerability of lay judges, it has advanced reforms further strengthening the independence of professional judges. Accordingly, Sweden’s judiciary remains able to hear cases challenging the government and to hold public officials accountable.
Sweden’s national elections are largely free and fair, free of voting irregularities or electoral fraud. The ruling party does not enjoy any significant and unfair advantages in the elections, while the mainstream opposition parties actively participate in the election process. Electoral oversight in Sweden is independent and decentralized, and not seriously undermined by the government.
The government has not engaged in significant voting irregularities or electoral fraud. International election observers reported that the 2022 general elections were well organized, well resourced, and conducted in a professional manner across all 278 polling stations nationwide, with no evidence of systematic interference in party competition or vote counting. That said, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), in its needs-assessment report prior to the elections, noted several administrative and technical shortcomings, including the lack of an explicit legal basis for citizen and international election observation, insufficient transparency in party and campaign finance, and limitations in media oversight mechanisms. Despite these shortcomings, elections in Sweden remained fair and competitive.
The absence of significant and unfair advantages enjoyed by the governing authorities is further reflected in the active participation of mainstream opposition parties in the election process, as well as in the highly competitive and narrow results of the 2022 general election. The right-wing bloc, comprising the Moderate Party, the Sweden Democrats, the Christian Democrats, and the Liberals, won 49.5% of the vote and 176 of the 349 seats in the Riksdag, securing a governing majority by a narrow three-seat margin over the left-wing bloc led by the Social Democrats together with the Left Party, the Greens, and the Centre Party, which had controlled parliament in previous electoral cycles. Notably, the Sweden Democrats made a historic breakthrough, becoming the second-largest party with 20.6% of the vote, while the Social Democrats remained the largest single party with 30.5%.
Electoral oversight in Sweden is independent and was not seriously undermined by the Swedish government. Election oversight is handled through a decentralized but coordinated system in which the Swedish Election Authority (Valmyndigheten) sets the national framework (including the voter register, guidance, and training), while 21 County Administrative Boards oversee key regional tasks such as candidate registration and vote counting, and 290 Municipal Election Committees run polling stations and recruit staff. The Swedish Election Authority lacks enforcement powers: it can provide guidance, training, and support, but it cannot compel local or regional election bodies to follow specific security or administrative measures. Although observers note that this can lead to some inconsistencies in electoral administration nationwide, it also reflects institutional limits on the government’s ability to control the election process.
Independent media outlets, civil society organizations, political actors, and members of the general public are largely free to express dissenting views, and the government has not targeted dissenting organizations or media because of their views. Sweden enjoys high levels of media diversity and pluralism, and the government has not unfairly biased media coverage in its favor, instead providing safeguards against undue interference in media reporting and the ability to voice dissent. Civil society is active, with numerous and diverse organizations and frequent peaceful demonstrations.
The Swedish government has not targeted or shut down organisations because of dissenting views. On the contrary, Sweden hosts a large and diverse civil society, with CSOs working across areas such as environmental protection and biodiversity, sustainable development, human rights and humanitarian assistance, conflict resolution, education, and culture, and spanning a range of political views. Moreover, Swedish civil society and international CSO engagement are financially supported by the government, mainly through the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency and the Ministry for Foreign Affairs.
The Swedish government has not systematically manipulated media coverage in its favor. The media sector is overseen by an independent broadcasting commission within the Swedish Press and Broadcasting Authority (Mediemyndigheten), which administers a licensing and oversight system for public broadcasters. Under this framework, Sweden’s media remain largely independent of political influence: public service broadcasters (SVT, SR, and UR) operate under laws guaranteeing editorial independence, and private media are generally free and diverse, even though ownership is concentrated among a small number of large media groups.
In 2025, the government proposed legislation to implement the EU Anti-SLAPP Directive, strengthening protections for journalists, human rights defenders, and others participating in public debate by streamlining court procedures and safeguarding against the misuse of civil litigation to silence reporting. This was done in response to reports that journalists face online harassment, threats, and abusive lawsuits, such as SLAPPs from third parties.
The Swedish government has not seriously and unfairly repressed protests or gatherings. Law enforcement and the courts generally allow dissenters to demonstrate openly and intervene only when legal restrictions are violated or when violence occurs. For example, during the 2022 protests triggered by a far-right activist’s Quran burning, some demonstrations turned violent, with protesters attacking police and damaging property, causing injuries and destruction. Police responded by using pepper spray, batons, and arrests to restore public order. More than 40 people were later convicted in court for violent offenses related to the riots. Overall, Sweden’s response to protests has remained lawful and proportionate, and it has not involved systematic or excessive repression of peaceful dissent.
Swedish institutions are independent and generally serve as effective checks on the government. Impartial appointment procedures contribute to structurally independent courts that have demonstrated the capacity to uphold the freedom of dissent, even when doing so would impose constraints on executive authority. Independent oversight bodies have also proved effective and enjoy high public trust.
The government has not subjected judicial institutions to reforms that abolish or seriously weaken their independence or operational effectiveness. Judicial independence in Sweden is protected by the nation’s constitution, which guarantees that courts are independent and that neither the Riksdag, the government, nor any public authority may interfere in judicial decision-making. Institutionally, the courts are administered by a government agency, the Swedish National Courts Administration (Domstolsverket), which operates under the Ministry of Justice. However, this administrative link does not compromise judicial independence, since the Swedish National Courts Administration has no authority to influence how judges decide cases. Its role is limited to budgeting, staffing, and technical and logistical support. Notably, the Swedish judiciary also enjoys a very high level of public trust and perceived independence.
Judicial independence is further protected by the system for appointing and removing professional judges, ensuring that members of the judicial branch who rule contrary to government interests do not face retaliation. Judges are formally appointed by the Swedish government, but only after mandatory review by the Judges’ Proposals Board (Domarnämnden), a body dominated by senior judges. Once appointed, judges enjoy strong security of tenure. A professional judge may be removed only for a serious crime or repeated neglect of duty. Removal decisions are made in practice by the state’s National Disciplinary Offence Board (Statens ansvarsnämnd, whose decisions may be subject to independent judicial review. With respect to justices of the Supreme Court and the Supreme Administrative Court, proceedings concerning removal, suspension, or disciplinary measures may be initiated only by the Parliamentary Ombudsman or the Chancellor of Justice (Justitiekanslern), who may bring such cases before the Supreme Court, which alone has the authority to decide on removal.
Although Sweden’s judiciary is generally regarded as highly independent, a limited institutional vulnerability exists in relation to lay judges, non-professional members of the judiciary who sit alongside career judges and have equal voting power. Although they are legally required to act independently, they are nominated by political parties and elected by local councils, which creates a potential risk of political influence. For example, in 2023, Sweden’s Court of Appeal acquitted a man accused of raping a minor, causing nationwide outrage. Two of the judges were lay judges appointed by the Social Democratic Party. After the verdict, they were called to a party “coaching meeting” and resigned immediately afterward, a move the Social Democratic Party’s district chair described as “wise.” Although this episode was widely criticized as political interference, it does not amount to a systematic pattern that seriously undermines judicial independence or the functioning of the courts.
Furthermore, the government proposed reforms to further support judicial independence. In 2025, the government proposed a bill to strengthen constitutional protections for the courts by reducing political influence over court administration and judicial appointments. The proposal would reduce political influence over the Swedish National Courts Administration by introducing a new governance model in which the courts themselves nominate members to its board. It would also limit the government’s role in appointing justices to the Supreme Court and the Supreme Administrative Court by making such appointments dependent on requests from the courts themselves. That said, the proposal focuses on professional judges and falls short of addressing the noted institutional vulnerabilities affecting the independence of lay judges.
Despite the aforementioned shortcomings, observers report that the Swedish court’s ability to hear cases challenging the government is not being suppressed. In fact, courts can review decisions made by the government and its agencies across a wide range of issues, and they do so without interference. For example, in 2020, in the case Girjas Sameby v. the Swedish State, an indigenous Sami village sued the Swedish government, challenging the state’s practice of issuing hunting and fishing permits in the village’s traditional reindeer-herding area. The Supreme Court of Sweden ruled against the state, holding that the village, not the government, had the legal authority to grant those rights, thereby limiting state power and overturning long-standing government practice.
Finally, the government has not subjected executive or independent oversight institutions to reforms that abolish or seriously weaken their independence or operational independence. In fact, the Swedish institutions have the capacity to hold authority officials accountable when needed. Sweden’s prosecutors, courts, and oversight bodies, notably the Parliamentary Ombudsmen, are reported to function effectively as mechanisms for holding public officials to account. For example, following a major IT security scandal at the Swedish Transport Agency, prosecutors held senior officials accountable. In March 2015, the agency’s IT systems were outsourced to IBM, allowing unvetted foreign contractors access to highly sensitive data, including the national driver’s license registry and information on protected identities. In 2017, prosecutors fined the agency’s former director-general, Maria Ågren, 70,000 Swedish kronor for violating security and privacy laws after she approved the contract despite legal breaches. Political accountability followed shortly thereafter: in July 2017, Interior Minister Anders Ygeman and Infrastructure Minister Anna Johansson resigned after parliamentary scrutiny and the imminent threat of a no-confidence vote.
