Fully Authoritarian
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Population
HRF classifies Guinea as ruled by a fully authoritarian regime.
Guinea is a unitary state. Since its independence in 1958, the country has experienced various forms of continuous authoritarian rule, from the one-party state of independence leader Ahmed Sekou Toure to civilian autocracies and military juntas. In September 2021, the Head of State, General Mamady Doumbouya, seized power through a military coup that deposed the last elected leader, Alpha Condé. The coup followed Condé’s re-election in the 2020 presidential election after forcing a third term through an unpopular constitutional change, which sparked mass protests that were met with deadly repression from his regime. The country just held its first elections since the coup on December 28, 2025.
National-level elections, such as parliamentary or presidential elections, have been absent in Guinea since the military took power, suspended the constitution, and dissolved the government in September 2021, rendering moot assessment of electoral competition. The country held its first elections since the coup d’etat on December 28, 2025, where General Mamady Doumbouya won the presidency. The ruling National Committee of Reconciliation and Development (CNRD) junta has taken measures to unfairly hold on to power, including by repeatedly delaying the organization of fresh national elections to restore democratic constitutionalism. The military has also unfairly hindered the real, mainstream opposition by harassing their leaders, forcing the main opposition leader into exile.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, political leaders and regular people face overt and systematic retaliation if they openly criticize the regime. The military has severely intimidated dissenting independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, repressed dissenting protests, shut down leading independent media outlets, and heavily manipulated media coverage in its favor.
Institutions largely fail to serve as independent checks on the regime. The ruling CNRD dismissed the Constitutional Court and transferred its power to the Supreme Court, which came under its influence. It also established a special court targeting former members of previous regimes.
National-level elections, such as parliamentary or presidential elections, have been absent in Guinea since the ruling National Committee of Reconciliation and Development (CNRD) junta deposed the last elected civilian leader, Alpha Condé, in September 2021, rendering moot assessment of electoral competition. The junta has repeatedly delayed holding elections and intimidated opposition parties, though it held its first elections since the coup on December 28, 2025, where Doumbouya won the presidency.
Since the coup d’état, the junta, or the CNRD, has taken measures to unfairly hold on to power, including by repeatedly delaying the organization of national elections to transfer power to an elected civilian and restore constitutional democratic order. The CNRD has also dissolved the National Assembly and established the National Council of Transition (CNT), an unelected legislative body whose members are handpicked by the junta as the sole legislative body. Members of the CNT are directly appointed by the junta and are responsible for drafting the country’s new constitution.
The regime has unfairly and significantly hindered the real, mainstream opposition. In October 2024, in an attempt to intimidate, it placed the two biggest opposition parties–among 67 others—under regulatory “observation” for three months pending a review of their operations and finances, while it banned more than 50 others. Since 2022, the main opposition leader, Cellou Dalein Diallo, has been in exile following harassment and intimidation from the junta, including the launch of an official corruption probe against him in a matter from 20 years ago. Another opposition leader, Sidya Touré, was forced to seek refuge in a neighboring country for his safety after the regime seized his house.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, political leaders and regular people face overt and systematic retaliation if they openly criticize the regime. The junta systematically targets protests and dissenting speech, and has disappeared dissidents.
The regime has systematically and unfairly shut down independent, dissenting organizations. This includes the National Front for the Defense of the Constitution (FNDC), a civil society platform at the forefront of the demand for a return to civilian rule.
The regime has systematically, seriously, and unfairly repressed dissenting protests. Since September 2021, security forces have shot dead dozens of demonstrators and made violent, arbitrary arrests while dispersing pro-democracy demonstrations. Since May 2022, the regime has formally banned all public demonstrations.
The regime has systematically, seriously, and unfairly censored dissenting speech. In September 2022, Étienne Soropogui, a political opponent of former President Alpha Condé, was arrested after criticizing the military regime during a popular show on Fim FM radio. He denounced the authoritarian practices of the junta, including its silencing of journalists and political and civil society leaders.
The regime has systematically killed or forcibly disappeared dissidents. A prominent example is the July 2024 abductions and enforced disappearances of FNDC leaders Foniké Menguè and Mamadou Billo Bah after Menguè’s call for a citizen mobilization to demand the reinstatement of suspended media outlets and to protest Guineans’ deteriorating living conditions.
Institutions largely fail to serve as independent checks on the regime. Upon seizing power, the CNRD junta dissolved the nation’s then-highest court, the constitutional court, and transferred its authority to the Supreme Court.
Even before the September 2021 military takeover, the courts failed to check the regime. In 2018, former President Condé sacked by decree Kéléfa Sall, the chief justice of the Constitutional Court, the nation’s highest court, in retaliation for Sall’s public opposition to Condé’s push for a constitutional amendment to scrap presidential term limits. The Constitutional Court subsequently dismissed all legal challenges to Condé’s controversial constitutional referendum and the results of the 2021 presidential elections, which the opposition denounced as fraudulent. Upon seizing power, the CNRD junta dissolved the Constitutional Court and transferred its powers to the Supreme Court.
Courts have systematically, frequently, and unfairly failed to check, and enable, the regime’s attempts to repress criticism or retaliate against those who express open opposition to its most prominent, widely publicized policies. For example, in October 2024, the Supreme Court declined to review a legal petition brought by the Association of the Victims of Camp Boiro–a notorious concentration camp for real or perceived opponents of the regime of Guinea’s first President, Ahmed Sekou Touré, against junta leader Doumbouya’s decree renaming the capital Conakry’s international airport after Touré. The Supreme Court also dismissed several petitions filed by lawyers of Ibrahima Kassory Fofana, who was the prime minister of the deposed previous regime, against his prolonged detention without trial since April 2022 on alleged corruption charges.
The regime has seriously undermined judicial independence to the point where cases challenging the regime are no longer brought to the courts. In 2022, the FNDC filed a complaint in a Paris court alleging regime torture against its members. In July 2024, the wives of two forcibly disappeared FNDC leaders also filed a complaint in a Paris court, accusing the junta of enforced disappearance. On both occasions, the FNDC justified its resort to foreign or international courts by citing the junta’s alleged control of the judicial system in Guinea.
The regime has systematically directed cases to separate, junta-controlled courts. In 2021, the military regime created the CRIEF (Court for the Repression of Economic Crimes) to officially prosecute cases of misappropriation of public funds. However, the CRIEF has exclusively prosecuted members of the former Conde regime, many of whom have been held in prolonged detention without trial.
HRF classifies Guinea as ruled by a fully authoritarian regime.
Guinea is a unitary state. Since its independence in 1958, the country has experienced various forms of continuous authoritarian rule, from the one-party state of independence leader Ahmed Sekou Toure to civilian autocracies and military juntas. In September 2021, the Head of State, General Mamady Doumbouya, seized power through a military coup that deposed the last elected leader, Alpha Condé. The coup followed Condé’s re-election in the 2020 presidential election after forcing a third term through an unpopular constitutional change, which sparked mass protests that were met with deadly repression from his regime. The country just held its first elections since the coup on December 28, 2025.
National-level elections, such as parliamentary or presidential elections, have been absent in Guinea since the military took power, suspended the constitution, and dissolved the government in September 2021, rendering moot assessment of electoral competition. The country held its first elections since the coup d’etat on December 28, 2025, where General Mamady Doumbouya won the presidency. The ruling National Committee of Reconciliation and Development (CNRD) junta has taken measures to unfairly hold on to power, including by repeatedly delaying the organization of fresh national elections to restore democratic constitutionalism. The military has also unfairly hindered the real, mainstream opposition by harassing their leaders, forcing the main opposition leader into exile.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, political leaders and regular people face overt and systematic retaliation if they openly criticize the regime. The military has severely intimidated dissenting independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, repressed dissenting protests, shut down leading independent media outlets, and heavily manipulated media coverage in its favor.
Institutions largely fail to serve as independent checks on the regime. The ruling CNRD dismissed the Constitutional Court and transferred its power to the Supreme Court, which came under its influence. It also established a special court targeting former members of previous regimes.
National-level elections, such as parliamentary or presidential elections, have been absent in Guinea since the ruling National Committee of Reconciliation and Development (CNRD) junta deposed the last elected civilian leader, Alpha Condé, in September 2021, rendering moot assessment of electoral competition. The junta has repeatedly delayed holding elections and intimidated opposition parties, though it held its first elections since the coup on December 28, 2025, where Doumbouya won the presidency.
Since the coup d’état, the junta, or the CNRD, has taken measures to unfairly hold on to power, including by repeatedly delaying the organization of national elections to transfer power to an elected civilian and restore constitutional democratic order. The CNRD has also dissolved the National Assembly and established the National Council of Transition (CNT), an unelected legislative body whose members are handpicked by the junta as the sole legislative body. Members of the CNT are directly appointed by the junta and are responsible for drafting the country’s new constitution.
The regime has unfairly and significantly hindered the real, mainstream opposition. In October 2024, in an attempt to intimidate, it placed the two biggest opposition parties–among 67 others—under regulatory “observation” for three months pending a review of their operations and finances, while it banned more than 50 others. Since 2022, the main opposition leader, Cellou Dalein Diallo, has been in exile following harassment and intimidation from the junta, including the launch of an official corruption probe against him in a matter from 20 years ago. Another opposition leader, Sidya Touré, was forced to seek refuge in a neighboring country for his safety after the regime seized his house.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, political leaders and regular people face overt and systematic retaliation if they openly criticize the regime. The junta systematically targets protests and dissenting speech, and has disappeared dissidents.
The regime has systematically and unfairly shut down independent, dissenting organizations. This includes the National Front for the Defense of the Constitution (FNDC), a civil society platform at the forefront of the demand for a return to civilian rule.
The regime has systematically, seriously, and unfairly repressed dissenting protests. Since September 2021, security forces have shot dead dozens of demonstrators and made violent, arbitrary arrests while dispersing pro-democracy demonstrations. Since May 2022, the regime has formally banned all public demonstrations.
The regime has systematically, seriously, and unfairly censored dissenting speech. In September 2022, Étienne Soropogui, a political opponent of former President Alpha Condé, was arrested after criticizing the military regime during a popular show on Fim FM radio. He denounced the authoritarian practices of the junta, including its silencing of journalists and political and civil society leaders.
The regime has systematically killed or forcibly disappeared dissidents. A prominent example is the July 2024 abductions and enforced disappearances of FNDC leaders Foniké Menguè and Mamadou Billo Bah after Menguè’s call for a citizen mobilization to demand the reinstatement of suspended media outlets and to protest Guineans’ deteriorating living conditions.
Institutions largely fail to serve as independent checks on the regime. Upon seizing power, the CNRD junta dissolved the nation’s then-highest court, the constitutional court, and transferred its authority to the Supreme Court.
Even before the September 2021 military takeover, the courts failed to check the regime. In 2018, former President Condé sacked by decree Kéléfa Sall, the chief justice of the Constitutional Court, the nation’s highest court, in retaliation for Sall’s public opposition to Condé’s push for a constitutional amendment to scrap presidential term limits. The Constitutional Court subsequently dismissed all legal challenges to Condé’s controversial constitutional referendum and the results of the 2021 presidential elections, which the opposition denounced as fraudulent. Upon seizing power, the CNRD junta dissolved the Constitutional Court and transferred its powers to the Supreme Court.
Courts have systematically, frequently, and unfairly failed to check, and enable, the regime’s attempts to repress criticism or retaliate against those who express open opposition to its most prominent, widely publicized policies. For example, in October 2024, the Supreme Court declined to review a legal petition brought by the Association of the Victims of Camp Boiro–a notorious concentration camp for real or perceived opponents of the regime of Guinea’s first President, Ahmed Sekou Touré, against junta leader Doumbouya’s decree renaming the capital Conakry’s international airport after Touré. The Supreme Court also dismissed several petitions filed by lawyers of Ibrahima Kassory Fofana, who was the prime minister of the deposed previous regime, against his prolonged detention without trial since April 2022 on alleged corruption charges.
The regime has seriously undermined judicial independence to the point where cases challenging the regime are no longer brought to the courts. In 2022, the FNDC filed a complaint in a Paris court alleging regime torture against its members. In July 2024, the wives of two forcibly disappeared FNDC leaders also filed a complaint in a Paris court, accusing the junta of enforced disappearance. On both occasions, the FNDC justified its resort to foreign or international courts by citing the junta’s alleged control of the judicial system in Guinea.
The regime has systematically directed cases to separate, junta-controlled courts. In 2021, the military regime created the CRIEF (Court for the Repression of Economic Crimes) to officially prosecute cases of misappropriation of public funds. However, the CRIEF has exclusively prosecuted members of the former Conde regime, many of whom have been held in prolonged detention without trial.
