Fully Authoritarian
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HRF classifies Guinea-Bissau as ruled by a fully authoritarian regime.
Guinea-Bissau is a semi-presidential republic. Since gaining independence from Portugal in 1973 through a war of liberation led by the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC), Guinea-Bissau has experienced chronic political instability with a series of successful and attempted coups, the deaths of three leaders in office, and a civil war. On November 26, 2025, three days after the elections, the president of Guinea-Bissau, Umaro Sissoco Embaló, was arrested as part of a coup d’état. The military took over the country and established control under General Horta Inta-A Na Man. The coup occurred a day before the results of the 2025 Guinea-Bissau general election, held on 23 November, in which Embaló was running for reelection.
National elections are a sham, to the point where the real, mainstream opposition does not have a realistic chance to meaningfully compete and possibly win. The regime was overthrown in a coup in November 2025. Previously, the National Elections Commission (CNE) declared opposition challenger Embaló the winner of the contested 2019 presidential elections, but ignored injunctions by the country’s highest court to recount the votes. Embaló unilaterally seized power in February 2020 without the Supreme Court’s certification of the results and with a pending legal challenge filed by his opponent. Since seizing power, Embaló’s regime has manipulated the electoral calendar by repeatedly delaying elections, negating the opposition’s victories in the 2019 and 2023 legislative polls, and illegally maintaining power beyond his constitutional term.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, and regular people face overt and systematic retaliation if they openly criticize or challenge the regime. The regime seriously and unfairly represses dissenting protests, intimidates journalists, and harasses dissidents. Freedom of expression is severely restricted, with journalists, civil society leaders, and ordinary citizens facing intimidation, harassment, and imprisonment for criticizing the regime. Independent media is subjected to government control, and dissenting voices risk severe reprisals.
Institutions largely fail to serve as independent checks on the regime. Courts frequently and unfairly failed to check the regime’s attempts to significantly undermine electoral competition or make the electoral process significantly skewed in its favor. The regime has seriously undermined judicial independence and frequently defied court orders in its disfavor. The regime has directed politically sensitive cases to separate, regime-controlled military courts.
National elections are a sham, to the point where the real, mainstream opposition does not have a realistic chance to meaningfully compete and possibly win.
A regime was overthrown through a coup d’état. On November 26, 2025, three days after the elections, in which Embaló was running for reelection, he was arrested by the military. The military took over the country and established control under General Horta Inta-A Na Man. He now serves as the Transitional President of the Military Command for the Restoration of Order. Previously, in 2019, Embaló seized power in controversial circumstances in February 2020 following the disputed 2019 presidential elections. Embaló took office without the Supreme Court’s certification of election results, in defiance of the Court’s ordering of a recount of the vote tally, and a pending legal challenge of the results by his opponent. Since assuming the presidency, Embaló has survived two armed attacks, which the regime qualified as attempted coups. After seizing power, Embaló’s regime has manipulated the electoral calendar by repeatedly delaying presidential and legislative elections. Embaló has illegally maintained power beyond his constitutional terms and negated the opposition’s victories in the 2019 and 2023 legislative polls by dissolving the parliaments elected from those elections.
The regime has seriously undermined independent electoral oversight. The absence of an elected parliament has compromised the mechanism of independent elections by which the commissioners of the National Elections Commission are elected by the lawmakers of the two political parties with the largest number of seats in the National People’s Assembly. The National Elections Commission (CNE) declared opposition challenger Embaló the winner of the 2019 presidential elections, and repeatedly ignored injunctions by the Supreme Court to recount the votes. Embaló swore himself in as president in February 2020 without the Supreme Court’s certification of the results and with a pending legal challenge filed by his opponent.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, and members of the general public face overt and systematic retaliation if they openly criticize or challenge the regime.
Embaló’s regime has systematically and seriously intimidated or obstructed the work of independent and dissenting media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, or members of the general public. Independent journalists and media outlets face regular harassment, intimidation, and violence from the regime. In July 2024, Embaló verbally intimidated journalist Ussumane Mané of Radio Sol Mansi during a press conference after the latter raised a question about delays in the organization of elections. Embalo later attacked the independent press union SINJOTECS, branding it an “illegal organization” after it protested the intimidation of Mané, citing a pattern of hostility and intimidation by Embaló towards journalists.
The regime has sought to unfairly obstruct the work of opposition parties. In June 2024, police surrounded the headquarters of the opposition Social Renewal Party in Bissau and attempted to block a meeting of the party. In October 2024, police violently dispersed a meeting of the opposition Plataforma Aliança Inclusiva (PAI-Terra Ranka) coalition after Embaló called the gathering “a provocation.”
The regime has also systematically, seriously, and unfairly repressed protests or gatherings. In January 2024, the Interior Minister invoked national security in the wake of a purported attempted December 2023 coup to impose an indefinite ban on all demonstrations. Police systematically cracked down on several peaceful pro-democracy protests, assaulting and detaining demonstrators. For example, in May 2024, police detained nine pro-democracy activists without charge for more than a week after arresting them in the crackdown of a demonstration against growing authoritarianism in the country. Embalo lifted the ban in November 2024, but the same month, the army chief warned against opposition demonstrations.
Institutions largely fail to serve as independent checks on the regime.
Under Embaló, the regime has orchestrated the complete capture of the country’s highest court, the Supreme Court, which has exclusive jurisdiction over electoral and constitutional matters. The constitution requires a quorum of at least 7 justices for the court to sit and for its rulings to have legality. Starting in October 2023, the deputy Chief Justice Lima António André orchestrated the illegal ouster of Chief Justice José Pedro Sambu and five other justices of the 11-member bench. In November 2023, armed men stormed the Supreme Court building and surrounded the residence of Chief Justice Sambu, forcing him to resign. Since becoming Acting Chief Justice, André has issued illegal rulings consistently favoring Embaló and his regime.
Courts frequently and unfairly failed to check the regime’s attempts to significantly undermine electoral competition or make the electoral process significantly skewed in its favor. In November 2024, the Acting Supreme Court Chief Justice rejected the candidacies of the two main opposition coalitions, PAI-Terra Ranka and the Inclusive Patriotic Alliance (API-CG), for parliamentary elections, which the regime indefinitely postponed. In February 2025, the Supreme Court’s Acting Chief Justice validated Embalo’s controversial position that his term expires in September 2025, and not February 2025.
Members of the judicial branch, who rule contrary to regime interests or who are perceived as a threat to the governing authority, have faced retaliation. The regime has publicly pressured top judges. In March 2024, Embaló controversially summoned the president of the Supreme Court of Justice, the Attorney General, and the president of the Military Court to officially instruct the judiciary to try several cases of corruption and alleged coup attempts.
The regime frequently defies court orders in its disfavor. For example, the regime ignored court decisions ordering the release of some three dozen people, including military personnel and civilians accused of participating in the deadly February 2022 attack on the presidential palace.
Judicial, legislative, or executive institutions have systematically, frequently, and unfairly failed to hold regime officials accountable. The judiciary has not held anyone accountable for a pattern of unsolved attacks on critics of the regime involving armed men in uniform, such as the November 2024 severe beating of Marcelino Intupé, a lawyer of 18 people accused of taking part in a coup attempt, the May 2022 shooting of opposition leader Agnelo Regala, the 2021 assassination attempt against Luis Vaz Martins, the February 2022 shooting of the opposition station Radio Capital FM and the house of its political commentator Rui Landim.
HRF classifies Guinea-Bissau as ruled by a fully authoritarian regime.
Guinea-Bissau is a semi-presidential republic. Since gaining independence from Portugal in 1973 through a war of liberation led by the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC), Guinea-Bissau has experienced chronic political instability with a series of successful and attempted coups, the deaths of three leaders in office, and a civil war. On November 26, 2025, three days after the elections, the president of Guinea-Bissau, Umaro Sissoco Embaló, was arrested as part of a coup d’état. The military took over the country and established control under General Horta Inta-A Na Man. The coup occurred a day before the results of the 2025 Guinea-Bissau general election, held on 23 November, in which Embaló was running for reelection.
National elections are a sham, to the point where the real, mainstream opposition does not have a realistic chance to meaningfully compete and possibly win. The regime was overthrown in a coup in November 2025. Previously, the National Elections Commission (CNE) declared opposition challenger Embaló the winner of the contested 2019 presidential elections, but ignored injunctions by the country’s highest court to recount the votes. Embaló unilaterally seized power in February 2020 without the Supreme Court’s certification of the results and with a pending legal challenge filed by his opponent. Since seizing power, Embaló’s regime has manipulated the electoral calendar by repeatedly delaying elections, negating the opposition’s victories in the 2019 and 2023 legislative polls, and illegally maintaining power beyond his constitutional term.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, and regular people face overt and systematic retaliation if they openly criticize or challenge the regime. The regime seriously and unfairly represses dissenting protests, intimidates journalists, and harasses dissidents. Freedom of expression is severely restricted, with journalists, civil society leaders, and ordinary citizens facing intimidation, harassment, and imprisonment for criticizing the regime. Independent media is subjected to government control, and dissenting voices risk severe reprisals.
Institutions largely fail to serve as independent checks on the regime. Courts frequently and unfairly failed to check the regime’s attempts to significantly undermine electoral competition or make the electoral process significantly skewed in its favor. The regime has seriously undermined judicial independence and frequently defied court orders in its disfavor. The regime has directed politically sensitive cases to separate, regime-controlled military courts.
National elections are a sham, to the point where the real, mainstream opposition does not have a realistic chance to meaningfully compete and possibly win.
A regime was overthrown through a coup d’état. On November 26, 2025, three days after the elections, in which Embaló was running for reelection, he was arrested by the military. The military took over the country and established control under General Horta Inta-A Na Man. He now serves as the Transitional President of the Military Command for the Restoration of Order. Previously, in 2019, Embaló seized power in controversial circumstances in February 2020 following the disputed 2019 presidential elections. Embaló took office without the Supreme Court’s certification of election results, in defiance of the Court’s ordering of a recount of the vote tally, and a pending legal challenge of the results by his opponent. Since assuming the presidency, Embaló has survived two armed attacks, which the regime qualified as attempted coups. After seizing power, Embaló’s regime has manipulated the electoral calendar by repeatedly delaying presidential and legislative elections. Embaló has illegally maintained power beyond his constitutional terms and negated the opposition’s victories in the 2019 and 2023 legislative polls by dissolving the parliaments elected from those elections.
The regime has seriously undermined independent electoral oversight. The absence of an elected parliament has compromised the mechanism of independent elections by which the commissioners of the National Elections Commission are elected by the lawmakers of the two political parties with the largest number of seats in the National People’s Assembly. The National Elections Commission (CNE) declared opposition challenger Embaló the winner of the 2019 presidential elections, and repeatedly ignored injunctions by the Supreme Court to recount the votes. Embaló swore himself in as president in February 2020 without the Supreme Court’s certification of the results and with a pending legal challenge filed by his opponent.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, and members of the general public face overt and systematic retaliation if they openly criticize or challenge the regime.
Embaló’s regime has systematically and seriously intimidated or obstructed the work of independent and dissenting media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, or members of the general public. Independent journalists and media outlets face regular harassment, intimidation, and violence from the regime. In July 2024, Embaló verbally intimidated journalist Ussumane Mané of Radio Sol Mansi during a press conference after the latter raised a question about delays in the organization of elections. Embalo later attacked the independent press union SINJOTECS, branding it an “illegal organization” after it protested the intimidation of Mané, citing a pattern of hostility and intimidation by Embaló towards journalists.
The regime has sought to unfairly obstruct the work of opposition parties. In June 2024, police surrounded the headquarters of the opposition Social Renewal Party in Bissau and attempted to block a meeting of the party. In October 2024, police violently dispersed a meeting of the opposition Plataforma Aliança Inclusiva (PAI-Terra Ranka) coalition after Embaló called the gathering “a provocation.”
The regime has also systematically, seriously, and unfairly repressed protests or gatherings. In January 2024, the Interior Minister invoked national security in the wake of a purported attempted December 2023 coup to impose an indefinite ban on all demonstrations. Police systematically cracked down on several peaceful pro-democracy protests, assaulting and detaining demonstrators. For example, in May 2024, police detained nine pro-democracy activists without charge for more than a week after arresting them in the crackdown of a demonstration against growing authoritarianism in the country. Embalo lifted the ban in November 2024, but the same month, the army chief warned against opposition demonstrations.
Institutions largely fail to serve as independent checks on the regime.
Under Embaló, the regime has orchestrated the complete capture of the country’s highest court, the Supreme Court, which has exclusive jurisdiction over electoral and constitutional matters. The constitution requires a quorum of at least 7 justices for the court to sit and for its rulings to have legality. Starting in October 2023, the deputy Chief Justice Lima António André orchestrated the illegal ouster of Chief Justice José Pedro Sambu and five other justices of the 11-member bench. In November 2023, armed men stormed the Supreme Court building and surrounded the residence of Chief Justice Sambu, forcing him to resign. Since becoming Acting Chief Justice, André has issued illegal rulings consistently favoring Embaló and his regime.
Courts frequently and unfairly failed to check the regime’s attempts to significantly undermine electoral competition or make the electoral process significantly skewed in its favor. In November 2024, the Acting Supreme Court Chief Justice rejected the candidacies of the two main opposition coalitions, PAI-Terra Ranka and the Inclusive Patriotic Alliance (API-CG), for parliamentary elections, which the regime indefinitely postponed. In February 2025, the Supreme Court’s Acting Chief Justice validated Embalo’s controversial position that his term expires in September 2025, and not February 2025.
Members of the judicial branch, who rule contrary to regime interests or who are perceived as a threat to the governing authority, have faced retaliation. The regime has publicly pressured top judges. In March 2024, Embaló controversially summoned the president of the Supreme Court of Justice, the Attorney General, and the president of the Military Court to officially instruct the judiciary to try several cases of corruption and alleged coup attempts.
The regime frequently defies court orders in its disfavor. For example, the regime ignored court decisions ordering the release of some three dozen people, including military personnel and civilians accused of participating in the deadly February 2022 attack on the presidential palace.
Judicial, legislative, or executive institutions have systematically, frequently, and unfairly failed to hold regime officials accountable. The judiciary has not held anyone accountable for a pattern of unsolved attacks on critics of the regime involving armed men in uniform, such as the November 2024 severe beating of Marcelino Intupé, a lawyer of 18 people accused of taking part in a coup attempt, the May 2022 shooting of opposition leader Agnelo Regala, the 2021 assassination attempt against Luis Vaz Martins, the February 2022 shooting of the opposition station Radio Capital FM and the house of its political commentator Rui Landim.
