Fully Authoritarian
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Swaziland is classified as being ruled by a fully authoritarian regime.
Swaziland (also known as Eswatini) is a monarchy ruled by King Mswati III since his accession to the throne in 1986. The country has a bicameral parliament composed of the House of Assembly and the Senate, known as the Libandla. The Constitution grants the king broad powers, including the power to appoint the prime minister, to dissolve parliament, and to veto legislation.
Legislative elections are a sham, to the point where the real, mainstream political opposition does not have a realistic chance to meaningfully compete and possibly win. There is no election for the executive; the monarchy rules by succession and picks the prime minister. While legislative elections are held for some seats in the Senate and the House of the Assembly, the majority are appointed by the king, and the king holds veto power over any legislation. Political parties are prohibited from formally registering or competing in elections.
Independent media, political, civil society leaders, and organizations face overt and systematic retaliation if they openly criticize or challenge the regime. The regime regularly arrests and tortures dissenting individuals using laws like the Sedition and Subversive Activities Act of 1938 (SSA) and the Suppression of Terrorism Act of 2008 (STA). Regime officials kill protesters without accountability. The media is manipulated by the regime, which controls the majority of outlets in the country.
Institutions largely fail to serve as independent checks on the regime. The judiciary enables the regime’s cases against dissidents and strikes down attempts to reform the electoral system. Judges who are seen as unaligned with the regime are retaliated against, as the king can dismiss judges at will. Regime officials are not held accountable for abuses, including killing protestors.
Legislative elections in Swaziland are a sham to the point where the real, mainstream political opposition does not have a realistic chance to compete and possibly win. There is no election for the executive. The King appoints the Prime Minister and approves the cabinet. While legislative elections exist, they are only for a handful of seats, and the king holds veto power over any legislation. Political parties are prohibited from formally registering or competing in elections.
There is no electoral competition in Swaziland. Members of the two chambers of the legislature are either directly appointed by the King or nominated and elected through “Tinkhundla” constituencies, one or more chiefdoms established by the King and headed by a committee or “Bucopho.” The king appoints 20 out of 30 members for the Senate and 10 out of 69 members for the House of Assembly.
The regime also undermines national independent electoral oversight. The King can appoint and dismiss members of the Elections and Boundaries Commission (EBC), which is the body responsible for overseeing and managing legislative elections.
The regime has unfairly barred a real, mainstream opposition party or candidate from competing in elections. A 1973 royal decree denies Swazis the right to form and belong to political parties, and has not been repealed. In 2005, the Eswatini High Court ruled that political parties could not exist. However, the status of political parties is less clear, as the country’s constitution allows for freedom of association, and some parties do operate in Swaziland. In 2008, the largest opposition organization, the People’s United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO), was designated as a terrorist group under the Suppression of Terrorism Act.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, and organizations face overt and systematic retaliation if they openly criticize the regime. The regime systematically targets dissidents and censors speech using vague provisions such as terrorism and sedition, and subjects them to torture and long prison sentences. Regime officials disproportionately repress protests, including by killing protesters. The media landscape in Swaziland is limited and manipulated by the regime.
The regime seriously intimidates independent and dissenting media, political leaders, civil society leaders, and organizations, and unfairly obstructs their work. It uses laws such as the Sedition and Subversive Activities Act of 1938 (SSA) and the Suppression of Terrorism Act of 2008 (STA) to silence critics. In July 2024, former members of parliament, Mduduzi Bacede Mabuza and Mthandeni Dube, were convicted under the STA and the SSA on unfounded charges of terrorism, sedition, and murder. Mabuza and Dube were arrested during the country’s 2021 pro-democracy protests, when they gave speeches condemning King Mswati III’s new decree banning petitions to the government that called for democratic reforms. They were accused of incitement to revolt against the state and of causing the death of two individuals when an unrelated individual drove into a crowd of protestors. Mabuza and Dube were sentenced to 25 and 18 years in prison, respectively. In January 2023, prominent democracy activist and human rights lawyer Thulani Maseko was killed by unknown assailants. The regime previously targeted Maseko for his activism, including arresting him in 2014 for articles he wrote that were critical of the judiciary and the regime. Despite international pressure, the regime has not held a meaningful investigation into Maseko’s killing. Instead, in March 2024, Maseko’s widow, Tanele Maseko, was detained by regime border officials for questioning, allegedly in relation to her husband’s killing. While she was released the next day, the officials confiscated her phone. In February 2020, police arrested Zweli Martin Dlamini, the editor of the privately owned Swaziland News, following the news outlet’s publication of two articles critical of King Mswati III. Dlamini was held without charge for several hours and tortured. Following his release, Dlamini fled to South Africa. In 2022, the regime declared Dlamini and Swaziland News as “specified entities” who “knowingly facilitate the commission of terrorist acts” under the STA.
King Mswati III’s regime has seriously and unfairly repressed protests and gatherings. It has arrested and killed protestors and implemented internet shutdowns, particularly during the 2021 to 2023 pro-democracy protests, which began in May 2021 after the killing of law student Thabani Nkomonye, allegedly by police, and escalated in June 2021 following the king’s ban on petitions. Between May and October 2021, at least 80 protestors were killed, 1000 were arrested, and the internet was shut down twice. Two reporters investigating the abuses against protestors, Magnificent Mndebele and Cebelihle Mbuyisa, were arrested in July 2021 and tortured. They were released two days later.
The regime seriously and unfairly censors dissenting speech. In addition to using the SSA and STA, the regime often uses the Public Order Act to limit dissenting speech. The Act, amended in 2017, punishes criticism of Swazi culture or the king with fines and up to two years in prison. In January 2022, student Colani Maseko was detained by security forces and charged with sedition and malicious damage to property for allegedly removing photos of King Mswati III from his university campus.
The King heavily manipulates media coverage in its favor. In addition to abusing laws to target journalists, the media landscape in Swaziland is small and primarily controlled by either the regime or regime-aligned entities. Eswatini TV, the only television station in the country, is state-run. There are two privately owned daily newspapers: The Times of Swaziland, which is frequently critical of the regime, and The Swazi Observer, which is pro-regime. The regime also runs one of the country’s two radio stations, the Eswatini Broadcasting and Information Services. However, following the passing of the Broadcasting Act in 2023, the regime opened applications for television and radio broadcasting licenses in 2025 in a move to bring plurality to the media sector.
Institutions largely fail to serve as independent checks on the regime. The judiciary rubber stamps the regime’s cases against dissidents and prevents reforms to the electoral system. Cases in favor of dissidents are reversed, and judges who are seen as unaligned with the regime are dismissed. Regime officials are not held accountable for abuses, including killing protestors.
Courts frequently and unfairly enabled the governing authority’s attempts to repress criticism or retaliate against those who express open opposition to its most prominent, widely publicized policies. Courts rubber-stamp politically motivated charges against those who criticize the regime and prevent reform of unfair laws. Since July 2021, MPs Mduduzi Bacede Mabuza and Mthandeni Dube have been arbitrarily detained on trumped-up charges. On July 15, 2024, the High Court of Eswatini sentenced Mr. Mabuza to 25 years and Mr. Dube to 18 years in prison. During the trial, Mabuza and Dube were repeatedly denied bail by the High Court and, at times, restricted in their access to their lawyers and families. In 2016, the High Court ruled that several provisions of the SSA and STA were invalid, following four cases brought by activists, including the late Thulani Maseko, charged with terrorism, sedition, or subversion for vague actions such as wearing shirts supporting banned political groups or participating in a march calling for an electoral boycott. However, in August 2024, the Supreme Court reversed the ruling, upholding both the SSA and STA.
Courts have systematically and unfairly failed to check, or enabled, the regime’s attempts to significantly undermine electoral competition or make the electoral process significantly skewed in its favor. Courts uphold the electoral process that prevents most parties and individuals from running. For instance, in September 2018, the Swazi Democratic Party (SWADEPA) appealed to the Supreme Court to challenge the 1978 ban on political parties competing in elections, but their case was summarily dismissed.
Members of the judicial branch who rule contrary to regime interests or who are perceived as a threat to the regime have faced systematic retaliation, including dismissal. King Mswati III has the power to appoint and dismiss judges of both the High and Supreme Courts at will. To illustrate, in 2011, Justice Thomas Masuku was impeached and removed from the Swaziland High Court for a critical remark he made in the course of a judgment, using the phrase “forked tongue,” in reference to King Mswati III.
Judicial institutions have systematically, frequently, and unfairly failed to hold regime officials accountable. Courts do not prosecute officials for abusing their office, for breaking the law, or for committing human rights abuses. As of 2025, the police officers responsible for the killing of 80 people during the violent repression of the 2021 demonstrations have not been adequately investigated. Additionally, the King is above the law, so he and his close allies and advisors are not prosecuted for alleged abuses.
Swaziland is classified as being ruled by a fully authoritarian regime.
Swaziland (also known as Eswatini) is a monarchy ruled by King Mswati III since his accession to the throne in 1986. The country has a bicameral parliament composed of the House of Assembly and the Senate, known as the Libandla. The Constitution grants the king broad powers, including the power to appoint the prime minister, to dissolve parliament, and to veto legislation.
Legislative elections are a sham, to the point where the real, mainstream political opposition does not have a realistic chance to meaningfully compete and possibly win. There is no election for the executive; the monarchy rules by succession and picks the prime minister. While legislative elections are held for some seats in the Senate and the House of the Assembly, the majority are appointed by the king, and the king holds veto power over any legislation. Political parties are prohibited from formally registering or competing in elections.
Independent media, political, civil society leaders, and organizations face overt and systematic retaliation if they openly criticize or challenge the regime. The regime regularly arrests and tortures dissenting individuals using laws like the Sedition and Subversive Activities Act of 1938 (SSA) and the Suppression of Terrorism Act of 2008 (STA). Regime officials kill protesters without accountability. The media is manipulated by the regime, which controls the majority of outlets in the country.
Institutions largely fail to serve as independent checks on the regime. The judiciary enables the regime’s cases against dissidents and strikes down attempts to reform the electoral system. Judges who are seen as unaligned with the regime are retaliated against, as the king can dismiss judges at will. Regime officials are not held accountable for abuses, including killing protestors.
Legislative elections in Swaziland are a sham to the point where the real, mainstream political opposition does not have a realistic chance to compete and possibly win. There is no election for the executive. The King appoints the Prime Minister and approves the cabinet. While legislative elections exist, they are only for a handful of seats, and the king holds veto power over any legislation. Political parties are prohibited from formally registering or competing in elections.
There is no electoral competition in Swaziland. Members of the two chambers of the legislature are either directly appointed by the King or nominated and elected through “Tinkhundla” constituencies, one or more chiefdoms established by the King and headed by a committee or “Bucopho.” The king appoints 20 out of 30 members for the Senate and 10 out of 69 members for the House of Assembly.
The regime also undermines national independent electoral oversight. The King can appoint and dismiss members of the Elections and Boundaries Commission (EBC), which is the body responsible for overseeing and managing legislative elections.
The regime has unfairly barred a real, mainstream opposition party or candidate from competing in elections. A 1973 royal decree denies Swazis the right to form and belong to political parties, and has not been repealed. In 2005, the Eswatini High Court ruled that political parties could not exist. However, the status of political parties is less clear, as the country’s constitution allows for freedom of association, and some parties do operate in Swaziland. In 2008, the largest opposition organization, the People’s United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO), was designated as a terrorist group under the Suppression of Terrorism Act.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, and organizations face overt and systematic retaliation if they openly criticize the regime. The regime systematically targets dissidents and censors speech using vague provisions such as terrorism and sedition, and subjects them to torture and long prison sentences. Regime officials disproportionately repress protests, including by killing protesters. The media landscape in Swaziland is limited and manipulated by the regime.
The regime seriously intimidates independent and dissenting media, political leaders, civil society leaders, and organizations, and unfairly obstructs their work. It uses laws such as the Sedition and Subversive Activities Act of 1938 (SSA) and the Suppression of Terrorism Act of 2008 (STA) to silence critics. In July 2024, former members of parliament, Mduduzi Bacede Mabuza and Mthandeni Dube, were convicted under the STA and the SSA on unfounded charges of terrorism, sedition, and murder. Mabuza and Dube were arrested during the country’s 2021 pro-democracy protests, when they gave speeches condemning King Mswati III’s new decree banning petitions to the government that called for democratic reforms. They were accused of incitement to revolt against the state and of causing the death of two individuals when an unrelated individual drove into a crowd of protestors. Mabuza and Dube were sentenced to 25 and 18 years in prison, respectively. In January 2023, prominent democracy activist and human rights lawyer Thulani Maseko was killed by unknown assailants. The regime previously targeted Maseko for his activism, including arresting him in 2014 for articles he wrote that were critical of the judiciary and the regime. Despite international pressure, the regime has not held a meaningful investigation into Maseko’s killing. Instead, in March 2024, Maseko’s widow, Tanele Maseko, was detained by regime border officials for questioning, allegedly in relation to her husband’s killing. While she was released the next day, the officials confiscated her phone. In February 2020, police arrested Zweli Martin Dlamini, the editor of the privately owned Swaziland News, following the news outlet’s publication of two articles critical of King Mswati III. Dlamini was held without charge for several hours and tortured. Following his release, Dlamini fled to South Africa. In 2022, the regime declared Dlamini and Swaziland News as “specified entities” who “knowingly facilitate the commission of terrorist acts” under the STA.
King Mswati III’s regime has seriously and unfairly repressed protests and gatherings. It has arrested and killed protestors and implemented internet shutdowns, particularly during the 2021 to 2023 pro-democracy protests, which began in May 2021 after the killing of law student Thabani Nkomonye, allegedly by police, and escalated in June 2021 following the king’s ban on petitions. Between May and October 2021, at least 80 protestors were killed, 1000 were arrested, and the internet was shut down twice. Two reporters investigating the abuses against protestors, Magnificent Mndebele and Cebelihle Mbuyisa, were arrested in July 2021 and tortured. They were released two days later.
The regime seriously and unfairly censors dissenting speech. In addition to using the SSA and STA, the regime often uses the Public Order Act to limit dissenting speech. The Act, amended in 2017, punishes criticism of Swazi culture or the king with fines and up to two years in prison. In January 2022, student Colani Maseko was detained by security forces and charged with sedition and malicious damage to property for allegedly removing photos of King Mswati III from his university campus.
The King heavily manipulates media coverage in its favor. In addition to abusing laws to target journalists, the media landscape in Swaziland is small and primarily controlled by either the regime or regime-aligned entities. Eswatini TV, the only television station in the country, is state-run. There are two privately owned daily newspapers: The Times of Swaziland, which is frequently critical of the regime, and The Swazi Observer, which is pro-regime. The regime also runs one of the country’s two radio stations, the Eswatini Broadcasting and Information Services. However, following the passing of the Broadcasting Act in 2023, the regime opened applications for television and radio broadcasting licenses in 2025 in a move to bring plurality to the media sector.
Institutions largely fail to serve as independent checks on the regime. The judiciary rubber stamps the regime’s cases against dissidents and prevents reforms to the electoral system. Cases in favor of dissidents are reversed, and judges who are seen as unaligned with the regime are dismissed. Regime officials are not held accountable for abuses, including killing protestors.
Courts frequently and unfairly enabled the governing authority’s attempts to repress criticism or retaliate against those who express open opposition to its most prominent, widely publicized policies. Courts rubber-stamp politically motivated charges against those who criticize the regime and prevent reform of unfair laws. Since July 2021, MPs Mduduzi Bacede Mabuza and Mthandeni Dube have been arbitrarily detained on trumped-up charges. On July 15, 2024, the High Court of Eswatini sentenced Mr. Mabuza to 25 years and Mr. Dube to 18 years in prison. During the trial, Mabuza and Dube were repeatedly denied bail by the High Court and, at times, restricted in their access to their lawyers and families. In 2016, the High Court ruled that several provisions of the SSA and STA were invalid, following four cases brought by activists, including the late Thulani Maseko, charged with terrorism, sedition, or subversion for vague actions such as wearing shirts supporting banned political groups or participating in a march calling for an electoral boycott. However, in August 2024, the Supreme Court reversed the ruling, upholding both the SSA and STA.
Courts have systematically and unfairly failed to check, or enabled, the regime’s attempts to significantly undermine electoral competition or make the electoral process significantly skewed in its favor. Courts uphold the electoral process that prevents most parties and individuals from running. For instance, in September 2018, the Swazi Democratic Party (SWADEPA) appealed to the Supreme Court to challenge the 1978 ban on political parties competing in elections, but their case was summarily dismissed.
Members of the judicial branch who rule contrary to regime interests or who are perceived as a threat to the regime have faced systematic retaliation, including dismissal. King Mswati III has the power to appoint and dismiss judges of both the High and Supreme Courts at will. To illustrate, in 2011, Justice Thomas Masuku was impeached and removed from the Swaziland High Court for a critical remark he made in the course of a judgment, using the phrase “forked tongue,” in reference to King Mswati III.
Judicial institutions have systematically, frequently, and unfairly failed to hold regime officials accountable. Courts do not prosecute officials for abusing their office, for breaking the law, or for committing human rights abuses. As of 2025, the police officers responsible for the killing of 80 people during the violent repression of the 2021 demonstrations have not been adequately investigated. Additionally, the King is above the law, so he and his close allies and advisors are not prosecuted for alleged abuses.
