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HRF classifies the Republic of Cyprus as democratic.
The Republic of Cyprus is a presidential representative democratic republic located on the island of Cyprus in the eastern Mediterranean. Although the Republic of Cyprus claims de jure sovereignty over the entire island, effective control has been divided since 1974, with the north administered by the self-declared Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, recognized only by Turkey, alongside the UN Buffer Zone and the UK Sovereign Base Areas. In the Republic of Cyprus, executive authority is vested in an elected president who serves as both head of state and head of government and governs through a Council of Ministers. Legislative power resides in the unicameral House of Representatives (“Βουλή των Αντιπροσώπων Voulī́ tōn Antiprosṓpōn”), elected for five-year terms: 56 seats are filled by proportional representation from the Greek Cypriot community, alongside three non-voting observer members representing the Maronite, Latin Catholic, and Armenian minorities, while 24 seats allocated to the Turkish Cypriot community remain vacant due to the island’s de facto division. The party system is traditionally dominated by a “classic quartet” comprising the centre-right Democratic Rally (DISY), the left-wing Progressive Party of Working People, the centrist Democratic Party, and the social-democratic United Democratic Union of Centre, resulting in a competitive multiparty landscape that often requires cross-party cooperation.
In the Republic of Cyprus, national elections are largely free and fair. Cyprus has long held competitive presidential elections with multiple candidates and regular transfers of power among liberal-conservative, centrist, communist, and independent political forces, reflected in consistently narrow margins of victory. Similarly, the Cypriot government has not unfairly hindered the electoral campaigns and elections take place in a pluralistic environment, with open access to media and extensive public debate, even though the electoral framework remains complex and outdated.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, and members of the general public are largely free to openly criticize or challenge the Cypriot government. There is no general ban on CSO activity, and organisations are able to register, advocate, and operate across a wide range of issues. Similarly, Cyprus maintains a generally vibrant and pluralistic media environment in which independent outlets can freely report and criticize the government without systematic retaliation. Public demonstrations are common and occur largely unobstructed.
Institutions are independent and largely serve as effective checks on the governing authority. Cyprus continues to operate a constitutionally independent judicial system that guarantees fair trial rights and an Attorney-General independent from the executive, and the government has not pursued reforms that abolish or seriously weaken judicial independence. Similarly, executive and oversight bodies in Cyprus continue to operate and perform their functions largely independently, although some practical limitations remain, and reforms to further strengthen their autonomy are still pending. As a result, judicial, legislative, and executive institutions in Cyprus have generally demonstrated the capacity to hold government officials accountable, and there is no pattern of frequent or unfair failure to do so.
In the Republic of Cyprus, national elections are largely free and fair. Cyprus has long held competitive presidential elections with multiple candidates and regular transfers of power among liberal-conservative, centrist, communist, and independent political forces, reflected in consistently narrow margins of victory. Similarly, the Cypriot government has not unfairly hindered the electoral campaigns and elections take place in a pluralistic environment, with open access to media and extensive public debate, even though the electoral framework remains complex and outdated.
The government has not unfairly barred a real, mainstream opposition party or candidate from competing in elections. Since the 1980s, multiple candidates have been participating in presidential elections, and there has been a periodic transfer of power among liberal-conservative, centrist, communist, and independent candidates. The presidential elections are held in a pluralistic and competitive environment, with the winning candidate’s vote never exceeding 57.48 percent and margins of victory as narrow as 0.62 percent. Cyprus’ latest presidential election in 2023, for example, was highly competitive. In the first round of voting that took place in February 2023, no candidate won an outright majority. Independent candidate Nikos Christodoulides finished first with 32.04% of the vote, while Andreas Mavroyiannis, also an independent, placed second with 29.59%. Averof Neofytou of the centre-right DISY came third with 26.11%. Other candidates also competed, including Christos Christou of the National People’s Front, who obtained 6.04% of the vote. Because no candidate passed the 50% threshold, the top two advanced to a runoff. The outgoing president, Nicos Anastasiades, who was constitutionally barred from seeking a third term, publicly backed Christodoulides, while Neofytou’s party, DISY, chose not to endorse either finalist. In the second round, Christodoulides won narrowly with 51.97% to Mavroyiannis’s 48.03%, on turnout slightly above 72%, securing the presidency of Cyprus by a margin of under four points.
Similarly, the 2021 parliamentary elections were competitive and produced a fragmented parliament. Voters elected 56 members of the House of Representatives under proportional representation, with turnout at about 66%. DISY, which was the ruling party at the time under President Nicos Anastasiades, remained the largest party but won only 27.77% of the vote and 17 seats, losing one seat compared with 2016. The main opposition force, the left-wing Progressive Party of Working People, followed with 22.34% and 15 seats, while the centrist Democratic Party placed third with 11.29% and 9 seats. Several smaller parties also entered parliament, including the far-right National Popular Front (4 seats), the Movement for Social Democracy alliance (4 seats), the newly formed Democratic Front (4 seats), and the Greens (3 seats). Despite remaining the largest party, DISY again fell short of a majority. The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) assessed the 2021 parliamentary elections and concluded that elections were conducted in a framework “that enabled democratic participation.”
Similarly, the Cypriot government has not unfairly or significantly hindered the electoral campaigns of real, mainstream opposition parties or candidates. Although after gaining independence in August 1960, electoral competition was limited in Cyprus until 1983, with presidential candidates running largely unopposed, since the 1980s, multiple candidates have been participating in presidential elections. Similarly, both the 2021 parliamentary elections and the 2023 presidential election were conducted without the incumbent authorities significantly obstructing opposition participation. For example, the 2023 presidential election was organized within a highly visible and pluralistic media environment that was open to all candidates, providing extensive coverage through online news outlets, televised debates, interviews, and opinion polls. Candidates from across the political spectrum were able to articulate their programmes, respond to criticism, and engage directly with one another, effectively granting them equal footing in public debate and campaigning. Similarly, the 2021 parliamentary elections were generally open, with observers from the OSCE ultimately concluding that “citizens had an opportunity to make an informed choice.” At the same time, the OSCE noted that while the electoral framework in the country enables the conduct of democratic elections, it is overly complex and somewhat outdated, necessitating harmonization and updates, particularly in relation to voter and candidate registration, election campaign, and media coverage.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, and members of the general public are largely free to openly criticize or challenge the Cypriot government. There is no general ban on CSO activity, and organisations are able to register, advocate, and operate across a wide range of issues. Similarly, Cyprus maintains a generally vibrant and pluralistic media environment in which independent outlets can freely report and criticize the government without systematic retaliation. Public demonstrations are common and occur largely unobstructed.
The government has not unfairly shut down independent, dissenting organizations. In general, Cyprus maintains a democratic framework in which freedom of association is constitutionally protected, and civil society organisations are formally recognised as legitimate actors in social, humanitarian, and rights-based fields. There is no outright ban on CSO activity, and organisations are able to register, advocate, and operate across a wide range of issues. However, there have been instances of government interference with CSOs’ work. Notably, in August 2020, the Cypriot authorities amended the law on associations, which allowed the Ministry of Interior to start the process of dissolution of over 2,800 CSOs. In December 2020, under this amended law, KISA, a prominent CSO advocating against racism and protecting the rights of migrants and refugees, was also included in the list of associations to be de-registered due to its failure to file documents by the required deadlines. While the organization has been appealing its de-registration, the government continued blocking the organization’s activities in support of migrants and refugees, which caused concerns among various international organizations and CSOs, such as Amnesty International, that the government is intentionally targeting KISA and discriminatorily applying the law, particularly given the broader context of increasingly restrictive asylum and migration policies in Cyprus. Consequently, observers argued that the measure appeared potentially politically motivated, targeting an organization engaged in legitimate human rights advocacy rather than addressing any serious wrongdoing. In October 2025, Cyprus’s Supreme Constitutional Court overturned the KISA deregistration decision and ruled it unlawful, affirming freedom of association principles.
The government has not heavily manipulated media coverage in its favor, nor has it seriously or unfairly censored dissenting speech. The media environment is vibrant and pluralistic, and independent media can freely criticize the government without fear of retaliation. Nonetheless, occasional reports have surfaced about incidents of verbal attacks by public officials against the press. Reporters Without Borders reported that the government, the Orthodox Church, and several businesses have significant influence over the media, while it remains generally free from direct political control.
Finally, the government has not seriously and unfairly repressed protests or gatherings. Overall, Cyprus operates within a democratic framework that generally guarantees freedom of peaceful assembly and participation. As a result, public demonstrations and protests are common in the country. However, in a rare instance, in February 2021, during the time when the government imposed a ban on public gatherings to mitigate the spread of COVID-19, there were reports of episodic excessive police force and human rights abuses, such as the use of water cannons and tear gas to disperse peaceful anti-corruption and anti-lockdown protests. Additionally, in 2025, the Cypriot Parliament passed a new law tightening the rules on public protests and assemblies, introducing a mandatory seven-day notification requirement for demonstrations of 20 or more people and expanding police powers to disperse assemblies deemed a threat to public order. This legislation was criticised by CSOs and human rights groups as restrictive and incompatible with constitutional and European standards. Following sustained criticism, amendments were agreed in January 2026 and, as of January 2026, remain pending for adoption.
Institutions are independent and largely serve as effective checks on the governing authority. Cyprus continues to operate a constitutionally independent judicial system that guarantees fair trial rights and an Attorney-General independent from the executive, and the government has not pursued reforms that abolish or seriously weaken judicial independence. Similarly, executive and oversight bodies in Cyprus continue to operate and perform their functions largely independently, although some practical limitations remain, and reforms to further strengthen their autonomy are still pending. As a result, judicial, legislative, and executive institutions in Cyprus have generally demonstrated the capacity to hold government officials accountable, and there is no pattern of frequent or unfair failure to do so.
The government has not subjected judicial institutions to reforms that abolish or seriously weaken their independence or operational effectiveness. The Republic of Cyprus has a constitutionally independent judicial system, with the constitution guaranteeing every person the right to a fair and public hearing within a reasonable time by an independent, impartial, and competent court and establishing an office of the Attorney-General that is independent from any Ministry. In recent years, Cyprus has pursued extensive judicial reforms primarily aimed at restructuring the court system, increasing specialisation, improving efficiency, and modernising procedures, including the creation of new specialised courts and the introduction of e-Justice tools.
At the same time, judicial independence in Cyprus faces structural and operational challenges. In particular, Cyprus lacks a fully autonomous, functionally independent, and pluralistic judicial council with comprehensive powers over judicial appointments, promotions, and discipline, and governance and disciplinary procedures remain characterised by limited transparency. Although these issues have been repeatedly identified and reported, comprehensive reforms specifically aimed at strengthening the institutional and governance safeguards of judicial independence have not yet been fully implemented.
Furthermore, the government has not subjected independent oversight institutions to reforms that abolish or seriously weaken their independence or operational effectiveness. The current legal framework governing oversight bodies largely remains in place, with institutions such as the Law Office and the Independent Authority Against Corruption (IAAC) continuing to function on the basis of existing constitutional and statutory mandates. These bodies remain formally established and operational, and they continue to perform their core tasks, including legal advice to the state, corruption prevention, investigations, and oversight. Accordingly, oversight activities are ongoing, with the IAAC having received more than 400 complaints since its establishment in 2022, handling eight ongoing corruption investigations in 2025, alongside the freezing of over €8 million (approx. $9 million) in assets in domestic corruption proceedings. At the same time, concerns remain that the bodies’ independence is constrained in practice by appointment procedures, staffing rules, and budgetary dependence on the executive; to address these shortcomings, reforms have been proposed to separate advisory and prosecutorial functions, strengthen the staffing and budgetary autonomy of key oversight bodies, including the IAAC, and introduce additional governance safeguards aimed at reducing executive influence. As of December 2025, these measures are still pending adoption or full implementation.
As a result, judicial, legislative, or executive institutions have not frequently and unfairly failed to hold government officials accountable. Generally, Cyprus’ institutions have the capacity to hold officials accountable, with a few high-profile cases in recent years demonstrating some enforcement and accountability. Most notably, after the “Cyprus Papers” leak in August 2020 exposed serious abuses of the Cyprus Investment Programme, senior political figures, including Demetris Syllouris, then President of the House of Representatives, and Christakis Giovanis, a Member of Parliament, were criminally charged for their alleged role in facilitating citizenship for individuals linked to crime or corruption. Criminal proceedings were initiated in subsequent years and advanced through trial; however, as of December 2025, no final judgments had yet been issued, with the court’s decision pending. Regardless of the eventual outcome, the initiation of investigations, prosecutions, and judicial proceedings against senior officeholders illustrates that formal accountability mechanisms remained operational.
HRF classifies the Republic of Cyprus as democratic.
The Republic of Cyprus is a presidential representative democratic republic located on the island of Cyprus in the eastern Mediterranean. Although the Republic of Cyprus claims de jure sovereignty over the entire island, effective control has been divided since 1974, with the north administered by the self-declared Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, recognized only by Turkey, alongside the UN Buffer Zone and the UK Sovereign Base Areas. In the Republic of Cyprus, executive authority is vested in an elected president who serves as both head of state and head of government and governs through a Council of Ministers. Legislative power resides in the unicameral House of Representatives (“Βουλή των Αντιπροσώπων Voulī́ tōn Antiprosṓpōn”), elected for five-year terms: 56 seats are filled by proportional representation from the Greek Cypriot community, alongside three non-voting observer members representing the Maronite, Latin Catholic, and Armenian minorities, while 24 seats allocated to the Turkish Cypriot community remain vacant due to the island’s de facto division. The party system is traditionally dominated by a “classic quartet” comprising the centre-right Democratic Rally (DISY), the left-wing Progressive Party of Working People, the centrist Democratic Party, and the social-democratic United Democratic Union of Centre, resulting in a competitive multiparty landscape that often requires cross-party cooperation.
In the Republic of Cyprus, national elections are largely free and fair. Cyprus has long held competitive presidential elections with multiple candidates and regular transfers of power among liberal-conservative, centrist, communist, and independent political forces, reflected in consistently narrow margins of victory. Similarly, the Cypriot government has not unfairly hindered the electoral campaigns and elections take place in a pluralistic environment, with open access to media and extensive public debate, even though the electoral framework remains complex and outdated.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, and members of the general public are largely free to openly criticize or challenge the Cypriot government. There is no general ban on CSO activity, and organisations are able to register, advocate, and operate across a wide range of issues. Similarly, Cyprus maintains a generally vibrant and pluralistic media environment in which independent outlets can freely report and criticize the government without systematic retaliation. Public demonstrations are common and occur largely unobstructed.
Institutions are independent and largely serve as effective checks on the governing authority. Cyprus continues to operate a constitutionally independent judicial system that guarantees fair trial rights and an Attorney-General independent from the executive, and the government has not pursued reforms that abolish or seriously weaken judicial independence. Similarly, executive and oversight bodies in Cyprus continue to operate and perform their functions largely independently, although some practical limitations remain, and reforms to further strengthen their autonomy are still pending. As a result, judicial, legislative, and executive institutions in Cyprus have generally demonstrated the capacity to hold government officials accountable, and there is no pattern of frequent or unfair failure to do so.
In the Republic of Cyprus, national elections are largely free and fair. Cyprus has long held competitive presidential elections with multiple candidates and regular transfers of power among liberal-conservative, centrist, communist, and independent political forces, reflected in consistently narrow margins of victory. Similarly, the Cypriot government has not unfairly hindered the electoral campaigns and elections take place in a pluralistic environment, with open access to media and extensive public debate, even though the electoral framework remains complex and outdated.
The government has not unfairly barred a real, mainstream opposition party or candidate from competing in elections. Since the 1980s, multiple candidates have been participating in presidential elections, and there has been a periodic transfer of power among liberal-conservative, centrist, communist, and independent candidates. The presidential elections are held in a pluralistic and competitive environment, with the winning candidate’s vote never exceeding 57.48 percent and margins of victory as narrow as 0.62 percent. Cyprus’ latest presidential election in 2023, for example, was highly competitive. In the first round of voting that took place in February 2023, no candidate won an outright majority. Independent candidate Nikos Christodoulides finished first with 32.04% of the vote, while Andreas Mavroyiannis, also an independent, placed second with 29.59%. Averof Neofytou of the centre-right DISY came third with 26.11%. Other candidates also competed, including Christos Christou of the National People’s Front, who obtained 6.04% of the vote. Because no candidate passed the 50% threshold, the top two advanced to a runoff. The outgoing president, Nicos Anastasiades, who was constitutionally barred from seeking a third term, publicly backed Christodoulides, while Neofytou’s party, DISY, chose not to endorse either finalist. In the second round, Christodoulides won narrowly with 51.97% to Mavroyiannis’s 48.03%, on turnout slightly above 72%, securing the presidency of Cyprus by a margin of under four points.
Similarly, the 2021 parliamentary elections were competitive and produced a fragmented parliament. Voters elected 56 members of the House of Representatives under proportional representation, with turnout at about 66%. DISY, which was the ruling party at the time under President Nicos Anastasiades, remained the largest party but won only 27.77% of the vote and 17 seats, losing one seat compared with 2016. The main opposition force, the left-wing Progressive Party of Working People, followed with 22.34% and 15 seats, while the centrist Democratic Party placed third with 11.29% and 9 seats. Several smaller parties also entered parliament, including the far-right National Popular Front (4 seats), the Movement for Social Democracy alliance (4 seats), the newly formed Democratic Front (4 seats), and the Greens (3 seats). Despite remaining the largest party, DISY again fell short of a majority. The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) assessed the 2021 parliamentary elections and concluded that elections were conducted in a framework “that enabled democratic participation.”
Similarly, the Cypriot government has not unfairly or significantly hindered the electoral campaigns of real, mainstream opposition parties or candidates. Although after gaining independence in August 1960, electoral competition was limited in Cyprus until 1983, with presidential candidates running largely unopposed, since the 1980s, multiple candidates have been participating in presidential elections. Similarly, both the 2021 parliamentary elections and the 2023 presidential election were conducted without the incumbent authorities significantly obstructing opposition participation. For example, the 2023 presidential election was organized within a highly visible and pluralistic media environment that was open to all candidates, providing extensive coverage through online news outlets, televised debates, interviews, and opinion polls. Candidates from across the political spectrum were able to articulate their programmes, respond to criticism, and engage directly with one another, effectively granting them equal footing in public debate and campaigning. Similarly, the 2021 parliamentary elections were generally open, with observers from the OSCE ultimately concluding that “citizens had an opportunity to make an informed choice.” At the same time, the OSCE noted that while the electoral framework in the country enables the conduct of democratic elections, it is overly complex and somewhat outdated, necessitating harmonization and updates, particularly in relation to voter and candidate registration, election campaign, and media coverage.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, and members of the general public are largely free to openly criticize or challenge the Cypriot government. There is no general ban on CSO activity, and organisations are able to register, advocate, and operate across a wide range of issues. Similarly, Cyprus maintains a generally vibrant and pluralistic media environment in which independent outlets can freely report and criticize the government without systematic retaliation. Public demonstrations are common and occur largely unobstructed.
The government has not unfairly shut down independent, dissenting organizations. In general, Cyprus maintains a democratic framework in which freedom of association is constitutionally protected, and civil society organisations are formally recognised as legitimate actors in social, humanitarian, and rights-based fields. There is no outright ban on CSO activity, and organisations are able to register, advocate, and operate across a wide range of issues. However, there have been instances of government interference with CSOs’ work. Notably, in August 2020, the Cypriot authorities amended the law on associations, which allowed the Ministry of Interior to start the process of dissolution of over 2,800 CSOs. In December 2020, under this amended law, KISA, a prominent CSO advocating against racism and protecting the rights of migrants and refugees, was also included in the list of associations to be de-registered due to its failure to file documents by the required deadlines. While the organization has been appealing its de-registration, the government continued blocking the organization’s activities in support of migrants and refugees, which caused concerns among various international organizations and CSOs, such as Amnesty International, that the government is intentionally targeting KISA and discriminatorily applying the law, particularly given the broader context of increasingly restrictive asylum and migration policies in Cyprus. Consequently, observers argued that the measure appeared potentially politically motivated, targeting an organization engaged in legitimate human rights advocacy rather than addressing any serious wrongdoing. In October 2025, Cyprus’s Supreme Constitutional Court overturned the KISA deregistration decision and ruled it unlawful, affirming freedom of association principles.
The government has not heavily manipulated media coverage in its favor, nor has it seriously or unfairly censored dissenting speech. The media environment is vibrant and pluralistic, and independent media can freely criticize the government without fear of retaliation. Nonetheless, occasional reports have surfaced about incidents of verbal attacks by public officials against the press. Reporters Without Borders reported that the government, the Orthodox Church, and several businesses have significant influence over the media, while it remains generally free from direct political control.
Finally, the government has not seriously and unfairly repressed protests or gatherings. Overall, Cyprus operates within a democratic framework that generally guarantees freedom of peaceful assembly and participation. As a result, public demonstrations and protests are common in the country. However, in a rare instance, in February 2021, during the time when the government imposed a ban on public gatherings to mitigate the spread of COVID-19, there were reports of episodic excessive police force and human rights abuses, such as the use of water cannons and tear gas to disperse peaceful anti-corruption and anti-lockdown protests. Additionally, in 2025, the Cypriot Parliament passed a new law tightening the rules on public protests and assemblies, introducing a mandatory seven-day notification requirement for demonstrations of 20 or more people and expanding police powers to disperse assemblies deemed a threat to public order. This legislation was criticised by CSOs and human rights groups as restrictive and incompatible with constitutional and European standards. Following sustained criticism, amendments were agreed in January 2026 and, as of January 2026, remain pending for adoption.
Institutions are independent and largely serve as effective checks on the governing authority. Cyprus continues to operate a constitutionally independent judicial system that guarantees fair trial rights and an Attorney-General independent from the executive, and the government has not pursued reforms that abolish or seriously weaken judicial independence. Similarly, executive and oversight bodies in Cyprus continue to operate and perform their functions largely independently, although some practical limitations remain, and reforms to further strengthen their autonomy are still pending. As a result, judicial, legislative, and executive institutions in Cyprus have generally demonstrated the capacity to hold government officials accountable, and there is no pattern of frequent or unfair failure to do so.
The government has not subjected judicial institutions to reforms that abolish or seriously weaken their independence or operational effectiveness. The Republic of Cyprus has a constitutionally independent judicial system, with the constitution guaranteeing every person the right to a fair and public hearing within a reasonable time by an independent, impartial, and competent court and establishing an office of the Attorney-General that is independent from any Ministry. In recent years, Cyprus has pursued extensive judicial reforms primarily aimed at restructuring the court system, increasing specialisation, improving efficiency, and modernising procedures, including the creation of new specialised courts and the introduction of e-Justice tools.
At the same time, judicial independence in Cyprus faces structural and operational challenges. In particular, Cyprus lacks a fully autonomous, functionally independent, and pluralistic judicial council with comprehensive powers over judicial appointments, promotions, and discipline, and governance and disciplinary procedures remain characterised by limited transparency. Although these issues have been repeatedly identified and reported, comprehensive reforms specifically aimed at strengthening the institutional and governance safeguards of judicial independence have not yet been fully implemented.
Furthermore, the government has not subjected independent oversight institutions to reforms that abolish or seriously weaken their independence or operational effectiveness. The current legal framework governing oversight bodies largely remains in place, with institutions such as the Law Office and the Independent Authority Against Corruption (IAAC) continuing to function on the basis of existing constitutional and statutory mandates. These bodies remain formally established and operational, and they continue to perform their core tasks, including legal advice to the state, corruption prevention, investigations, and oversight. Accordingly, oversight activities are ongoing, with the IAAC having received more than 400 complaints since its establishment in 2022, handling eight ongoing corruption investigations in 2025, alongside the freezing of over €8 million (approx. $9 million) in assets in domestic corruption proceedings. At the same time, concerns remain that the bodies’ independence is constrained in practice by appointment procedures, staffing rules, and budgetary dependence on the executive; to address these shortcomings, reforms have been proposed to separate advisory and prosecutorial functions, strengthen the staffing and budgetary autonomy of key oversight bodies, including the IAAC, and introduce additional governance safeguards aimed at reducing executive influence. As of December 2025, these measures are still pending adoption or full implementation.
As a result, judicial, legislative, or executive institutions have not frequently and unfairly failed to hold government officials accountable. Generally, Cyprus’ institutions have the capacity to hold officials accountable, with a few high-profile cases in recent years demonstrating some enforcement and accountability. Most notably, after the “Cyprus Papers” leak in August 2020 exposed serious abuses of the Cyprus Investment Programme, senior political figures, including Demetris Syllouris, then President of the House of Representatives, and Christakis Giovanis, a Member of Parliament, were criminally charged for their alleged role in facilitating citizenship for individuals linked to crime or corruption. Criminal proceedings were initiated in subsequent years and advanced through trial; however, as of December 2025, no final judgments had yet been issued, with the court’s decision pending. Regardless of the eventual outcome, the initiation of investigations, prosecutions, and judicial proceedings against senior officeholders illustrates that formal accountability mechanisms remained operational.
