Democracy
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HRF classifies Costa Rica as democratic.
Costa Rica’s democratic trajectory was shaped by the 1948 civil war, a 44-day conflict sparked by disputed presidential election results and widespread allegations of fraud. The war ended with the victory of José Figueres Ferrer’s National Liberation Army over government forces loyal to President Teodoro Picado and former strongman Rafael Ángel Calderón Guardia. In its aftermath, Figueres presided over a Founding Junta that abolished the military, extended women’s suffrage, and laid the groundwork for the 1949 Constitution, which enshrined civil liberties, separation of powers, and robust electoral guarantees. The abolition of the army became a defining feature of Costa Rica’s political identity, channeling resources into education and social welfare and preventing the recurrence of military interventions in politics. Since then, Costa Rica has enjoyed one of the longest periods of uninterrupted democratic governance in Latin America, marked by competitive elections and peaceful transfers of power. Its party system was initially dominated by the National Liberation Party (PLN), and later characterized by a stable two-party system between the PLN and the Social Christian Unity Party (PUSC) until its fragmentation in the 2000s. Today, Costa Rica is regarded as one of Latin America’s most stable democracies, with strong electoral institutions and a tradition of peaceful transfers of power. Yet its political landscape has become more fragmented in recent decades, with corruption scandals, rising crime, and disillusionment with traditional parties fueling the rise of outsider figures like current president Rodrigo Chaves.
National elections in Costa Rica are largely free and fair. Presidential reelection is prohibited under the constitution, and Costa Rica has experienced peaceful transfers of power through democratic elections every four years for over seven decades. Party fragmentation in the 2000s opened space for other parties to compete alongside the National Liberation Party (PLN) and the Social Christian Unity Party (PUSC), including the center-left Citizen Action Party (PAC) and the Social Democratic Progress Party (PPSD) of current president Rodrigo Chaves. Despite this increasing pluralism, politics in Costa Rica remains shaped by electoral volatility and shifting party loyalties, rather than by stable ideological cleavages. The 2022 general elections reflected this fragmentation, featuring a record of 25 presidential candidates. Today, six different parties are represented in the 57-seat unicameral Legislative Assembly.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society organizations, and members of the public are largely free to criticize or challenge the government in Costa Rica. A pluralistic media environment allows for regular scrutiny of political elites. While tensions have occasionally flared, with President Rodrigo Chaves known for hostile rhetoric toward journalists and oversight bodies, these confrontations have not resulted in systematic repression or censorship. Legal safeguards for NGOs and civic groups remain strong, and demonstrations are a regular feature of political life. Overall, dissent is tolerated, and Costa Rica continues to rank among the most open environments for free expression in Latin America.
Institutions in Costa Rica are independent and largely serve as effective checks on the government. The judiciary, Constitutional Chamber, and the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) are widely respected for their autonomy, while oversight bodies such as the Comptroller General play a central role in monitoring government conduct. In September 2025, the Legislative Assembly held a historic vote on whether to strip President Chaves of his presidential immunity so he can stand trial for two open investigations; the motion fell just four votes short of the required two-thirds majority, marking the first time such a procedure has been attempted in Costa Rica’s democratic history.
National elections in Costa Rica are largely free and fair and take place every four years. The mainstream political parties are able to fairly compete for representation in the legislature, and presidential elections are competitive, though increasingly fragmented. Smaller parties and independent candidates often struggle to build lasting organizations, yet they have nonetheless gained prominence as voter dissatisfaction with traditional parties has grown. Costa Rica’s electoral framework remains robust, and its oversight institutions are independent, functional, and transparent.
The Costa Rican government has not unfairly barred a real, mainstream opposition party or candidate from competing in elections. Political parties are able to freely and fairly participate in both presidential and legislative contests. For much of the late 20th century, electoral competition was dominated by the center-left National Liberation Party (PLN) and the center-right Social Christian Unity Party (PUSC). Since the 2000s, however, the decline of the two-party system has opened space for new actors, including the center-left Citizen Action Party (PAC), which won the presidency in 2014 and 2018, and the Social Democratic Progress Party (PPSD) of current president Rodrigo Chaves. This fragmentation was evident in the 2022 general elections, when a record 25 presidential candidates competed. Rodrigo Chaves advanced to the runoff with only 16% of the first-round vote, against former president José María Figueres of the National Liberation Party (PLN), who won 27%. Chaves ultimately defeated Figueres in the second round with 53% of the vote, underscoring both the competitiveness and volatility of Costa Rican electoral politics. Today, six different parties are represented in the 57-seat unicameral Legislative Assembly.
The government has not engaged in significant voting irregularities or electoral fraud. Elections are overseen by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE), an institution with strong constitutional guarantees of independence and high levels of public trust. Allegations of fraud are rare, and no major election since the 1949 constitution has been overturned or discredited. Campaign finance irregularities, such as those under investigation in President Chaves’ 2022 campaign, have raised concerns about transparency, but they are subject to institutional review and judicial oversight.
The Chaves administration has not seriously undermined independent electoral oversight. The TSE operates independently from the executive and legislature, ensuring the integrity of voter registration, campaign finance monitoring, and the certification of election results. The Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court (Sala IV) also serves as a venue for electoral disputes, providing judicial review when necessary. Civil society and international observers consistently recognize Costa Rica’s elections as among the most transparent and credible in Latin America.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society organizations, and members of the public are largely free to openly criticize or challenge the government in Costa Rica. Freedom of expression is constitutionally protected, and the media landscape is relatively pluralistic, with both privately owned and state outlets providing a range of perspectives. While President Rodrigo Chaves has frequently adopted negative rhetoric toward journalists and oversight bodies, these confrontations have not translated into systemic repression. Instances of harassment and verbal attacks against media workers have been reported, but journalists and civil society leaders continue to operate in a generally favorable environment. Peaceful protest and assembly are constitutionally guaranteed and broadly respected by authorities.
Chaves’ government attempted to unfairly shut down an independent, dissenting organization. In July 2022, the Ministry of Health suspended the operating permit of Parque Viva, an events venue owned by Grupo La Nación, publisher of one of Costa Rica’s most influential newspapers. The government justified the closure on public health and traffic grounds, but critics argued it was political retaliation for the outlet’s critical coverage of President Chaves. In October 2022, the Constitutional Chamber annulled the order, ruling that the closure constituted an indirect violation of freedom of expression because it was arbitrary, disproportionate, and lacked a legal or technical basis. The court also ordered the state to pay damages, reinforcing institutional checks on government retaliation against dissenting media.
The government has attempted to intimidate or obstruct the work of independent, dissenting media. President Rodrigo Chaves has repeatedly used negative rhetoric against journalists, labeling outlets like La Nación, CRHoy, and Teletica as corrupt or politically motivated, and at times restricting their access to press conferences. In one of the most serious cases, Health Minister Joselyn Chacón admitted under oath in early 2023 that she had paid social media trolls to attack journalists critical of the government. The Attorney General subsequently requested a certified transcript of her testimony, and Chacón resigned on the same day, February 7, 2023. These events highlight the executive’s attempts to discredit and intimidate independent media, though oversight institutions and public scrutiny helped force accountability in this instance.
The Costa Rican government has not seriously and unfairly repressed protests or gatherings. Demonstrations are common and cover a wide range of social, economic, and environmental issues. While the police have occasionally been accused of excessive use of force, these cases are generally investigated and do not represent a systematic pattern of repression. Recent years have seen mass mobilizations on issues such as corruption, environmental protection, and public sector reforms, reflecting Costa Rica’s tradition of civic participation.
In Costa Rica, institutions are independent and largely serve as a check on the government. The judiciary, the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court, and the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) are widely respected for their autonomy and play a central role in safeguarding democratic processes. Oversight bodies such as the Comptroller General and the Ombudsman’s Office provide robust mechanisms to monitor government conduct and prevent abuses of power. Corruption scandals involving high-level officials, including sitting President Chaves, have revealed vulnerabilities in the system and eroded public trust. Nonetheless, Costa Rican institutions generally investigate allegations of wrongdoing and hold leaders accountable.
The government has not undermined institutional independence to the point where cases or issues challenging the executive are no longer brought or are frequently dismissed. Courts do not hesitate to issue decisions unfavorable to the president, as illustrated by the 2022 ruling of the Constitutional Chamber annulling the closure of Parque Viva –– an events venue owned by Grupo La Nación –– on the grounds that it constituted an indirect violation of press freedom.
Courts have not unfairly failed to check, or enabled, the government’s attempts to undermine electoral competition. The TSE operates independently of the executive and legislature, ensuring the integrity of voter registration, campaign finance oversight, and the certification of election results. Allegations of fraud are rare, and no major election has been overturned since the 1949 constitution. In 2024, the TSE found President Chaves to be violating electoral law by “building a narrative” that would favor specific candidates in the 2026 elections. As a result, the TSE barred him from participating in the campaigns of candidates for the 2026 elections, reinforcing its independence and underscoring that even sitting presidents are subject to electoral regulations. Campaign finance scandals, such as the 2022 case in which Chaves and his campaign are accused of channeling private funds outside of official oversight mechanisms, are subject to judicial and electoral review, demonstrating the system’s capacity to scrutinize the highest authorities.
Judicial, legislative, and executive institutions have not failed to hold government officials accountable. In 2025, the Attorney General opened two criminal investigations into President Chaves, one for abuse of public office through illicit contracting and another for illicit campaign financing. In response, Chaves led a public protest demanding the Attorney General’s resignation, an unprecedented effort by a sitting president to exert pressure on the judiciary in Costa Rica’s democratic history. However, the Attorney General’s office did not yield to this pressure, and the investigations continued. In September 2025, the Legislative Assembly voted on whether to strip Chaves of his presidential immunity so he could stand trial, but the motion fell just four votes short of the required two-thirds majority. This outcome does not dismiss the investigation against him; rather, the cases remain open, but frozen, and he may be subject to trial in ordinary courts once he leaves office. Other oversight bodies also retain significant autonomy, with the Comptroller General frequently auditing government contracts and expenditures. The Assembly conducted a second impeachment vote on December 17, this time following an accusation from the Supreme Electoral Tribunal against the president of interfering in the general election due to take place in February, which is banned for officials such as the President who are not eligible for reelection under Costa Rican electoral law. The vote once again fell short, and Chaves retained his immunity.
HRF classifies Costa Rica as democratic.
Costa Rica’s democratic trajectory was shaped by the 1948 civil war, a 44-day conflict sparked by disputed presidential election results and widespread allegations of fraud. The war ended with the victory of José Figueres Ferrer’s National Liberation Army over government forces loyal to President Teodoro Picado and former strongman Rafael Ángel Calderón Guardia. In its aftermath, Figueres presided over a Founding Junta that abolished the military, extended women’s suffrage, and laid the groundwork for the 1949 Constitution, which enshrined civil liberties, separation of powers, and robust electoral guarantees. The abolition of the army became a defining feature of Costa Rica’s political identity, channeling resources into education and social welfare and preventing the recurrence of military interventions in politics. Since then, Costa Rica has enjoyed one of the longest periods of uninterrupted democratic governance in Latin America, marked by competitive elections and peaceful transfers of power. Its party system was initially dominated by the National Liberation Party (PLN), and later characterized by a stable two-party system between the PLN and the Social Christian Unity Party (PUSC) until its fragmentation in the 2000s. Today, Costa Rica is regarded as one of Latin America’s most stable democracies, with strong electoral institutions and a tradition of peaceful transfers of power. Yet its political landscape has become more fragmented in recent decades, with corruption scandals, rising crime, and disillusionment with traditional parties fueling the rise of outsider figures like current president Rodrigo Chaves.
National elections in Costa Rica are largely free and fair. Presidential reelection is prohibited under the constitution, and Costa Rica has experienced peaceful transfers of power through democratic elections every four years for over seven decades. Party fragmentation in the 2000s opened space for other parties to compete alongside the National Liberation Party (PLN) and the Social Christian Unity Party (PUSC), including the center-left Citizen Action Party (PAC) and the Social Democratic Progress Party (PPSD) of current president Rodrigo Chaves. Despite this increasing pluralism, politics in Costa Rica remains shaped by electoral volatility and shifting party loyalties, rather than by stable ideological cleavages. The 2022 general elections reflected this fragmentation, featuring a record of 25 presidential candidates. Today, six different parties are represented in the 57-seat unicameral Legislative Assembly.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society organizations, and members of the public are largely free to criticize or challenge the government in Costa Rica. A pluralistic media environment allows for regular scrutiny of political elites. While tensions have occasionally flared, with President Rodrigo Chaves known for hostile rhetoric toward journalists and oversight bodies, these confrontations have not resulted in systematic repression or censorship. Legal safeguards for NGOs and civic groups remain strong, and demonstrations are a regular feature of political life. Overall, dissent is tolerated, and Costa Rica continues to rank among the most open environments for free expression in Latin America.
Institutions in Costa Rica are independent and largely serve as effective checks on the government. The judiciary, Constitutional Chamber, and the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) are widely respected for their autonomy, while oversight bodies such as the Comptroller General play a central role in monitoring government conduct. In September 2025, the Legislative Assembly held a historic vote on whether to strip President Chaves of his presidential immunity so he can stand trial for two open investigations; the motion fell just four votes short of the required two-thirds majority, marking the first time such a procedure has been attempted in Costa Rica’s democratic history.
National elections in Costa Rica are largely free and fair and take place every four years. The mainstream political parties are able to fairly compete for representation in the legislature, and presidential elections are competitive, though increasingly fragmented. Smaller parties and independent candidates often struggle to build lasting organizations, yet they have nonetheless gained prominence as voter dissatisfaction with traditional parties has grown. Costa Rica’s electoral framework remains robust, and its oversight institutions are independent, functional, and transparent.
The Costa Rican government has not unfairly barred a real, mainstream opposition party or candidate from competing in elections. Political parties are able to freely and fairly participate in both presidential and legislative contests. For much of the late 20th century, electoral competition was dominated by the center-left National Liberation Party (PLN) and the center-right Social Christian Unity Party (PUSC). Since the 2000s, however, the decline of the two-party system has opened space for new actors, including the center-left Citizen Action Party (PAC), which won the presidency in 2014 and 2018, and the Social Democratic Progress Party (PPSD) of current president Rodrigo Chaves. This fragmentation was evident in the 2022 general elections, when a record 25 presidential candidates competed. Rodrigo Chaves advanced to the runoff with only 16% of the first-round vote, against former president José María Figueres of the National Liberation Party (PLN), who won 27%. Chaves ultimately defeated Figueres in the second round with 53% of the vote, underscoring both the competitiveness and volatility of Costa Rican electoral politics. Today, six different parties are represented in the 57-seat unicameral Legislative Assembly.
The government has not engaged in significant voting irregularities or electoral fraud. Elections are overseen by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE), an institution with strong constitutional guarantees of independence and high levels of public trust. Allegations of fraud are rare, and no major election since the 1949 constitution has been overturned or discredited. Campaign finance irregularities, such as those under investigation in President Chaves’ 2022 campaign, have raised concerns about transparency, but they are subject to institutional review and judicial oversight.
The Chaves administration has not seriously undermined independent electoral oversight. The TSE operates independently from the executive and legislature, ensuring the integrity of voter registration, campaign finance monitoring, and the certification of election results. The Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court (Sala IV) also serves as a venue for electoral disputes, providing judicial review when necessary. Civil society and international observers consistently recognize Costa Rica’s elections as among the most transparent and credible in Latin America.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society organizations, and members of the public are largely free to openly criticize or challenge the government in Costa Rica. Freedom of expression is constitutionally protected, and the media landscape is relatively pluralistic, with both privately owned and state outlets providing a range of perspectives. While President Rodrigo Chaves has frequently adopted negative rhetoric toward journalists and oversight bodies, these confrontations have not translated into systemic repression. Instances of harassment and verbal attacks against media workers have been reported, but journalists and civil society leaders continue to operate in a generally favorable environment. Peaceful protest and assembly are constitutionally guaranteed and broadly respected by authorities.
Chaves’ government attempted to unfairly shut down an independent, dissenting organization. In July 2022, the Ministry of Health suspended the operating permit of Parque Viva, an events venue owned by Grupo La Nación, publisher of one of Costa Rica’s most influential newspapers. The government justified the closure on public health and traffic grounds, but critics argued it was political retaliation for the outlet’s critical coverage of President Chaves. In October 2022, the Constitutional Chamber annulled the order, ruling that the closure constituted an indirect violation of freedom of expression because it was arbitrary, disproportionate, and lacked a legal or technical basis. The court also ordered the state to pay damages, reinforcing institutional checks on government retaliation against dissenting media.
The government has attempted to intimidate or obstruct the work of independent, dissenting media. President Rodrigo Chaves has repeatedly used negative rhetoric against journalists, labeling outlets like La Nación, CRHoy, and Teletica as corrupt or politically motivated, and at times restricting their access to press conferences. In one of the most serious cases, Health Minister Joselyn Chacón admitted under oath in early 2023 that she had paid social media trolls to attack journalists critical of the government. The Attorney General subsequently requested a certified transcript of her testimony, and Chacón resigned on the same day, February 7, 2023. These events highlight the executive’s attempts to discredit and intimidate independent media, though oversight institutions and public scrutiny helped force accountability in this instance.
The Costa Rican government has not seriously and unfairly repressed protests or gatherings. Demonstrations are common and cover a wide range of social, economic, and environmental issues. While the police have occasionally been accused of excessive use of force, these cases are generally investigated and do not represent a systematic pattern of repression. Recent years have seen mass mobilizations on issues such as corruption, environmental protection, and public sector reforms, reflecting Costa Rica’s tradition of civic participation.
In Costa Rica, institutions are independent and largely serve as a check on the government. The judiciary, the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court, and the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) are widely respected for their autonomy and play a central role in safeguarding democratic processes. Oversight bodies such as the Comptroller General and the Ombudsman’s Office provide robust mechanisms to monitor government conduct and prevent abuses of power. Corruption scandals involving high-level officials, including sitting President Chaves, have revealed vulnerabilities in the system and eroded public trust. Nonetheless, Costa Rican institutions generally investigate allegations of wrongdoing and hold leaders accountable.
The government has not undermined institutional independence to the point where cases or issues challenging the executive are no longer brought or are frequently dismissed. Courts do not hesitate to issue decisions unfavorable to the president, as illustrated by the 2022 ruling of the Constitutional Chamber annulling the closure of Parque Viva –– an events venue owned by Grupo La Nación –– on the grounds that it constituted an indirect violation of press freedom.
Courts have not unfairly failed to check, or enabled, the government’s attempts to undermine electoral competition. The TSE operates independently of the executive and legislature, ensuring the integrity of voter registration, campaign finance oversight, and the certification of election results. Allegations of fraud are rare, and no major election has been overturned since the 1949 constitution. In 2024, the TSE found President Chaves to be violating electoral law by “building a narrative” that would favor specific candidates in the 2026 elections. As a result, the TSE barred him from participating in the campaigns of candidates for the 2026 elections, reinforcing its independence and underscoring that even sitting presidents are subject to electoral regulations. Campaign finance scandals, such as the 2022 case in which Chaves and his campaign are accused of channeling private funds outside of official oversight mechanisms, are subject to judicial and electoral review, demonstrating the system’s capacity to scrutinize the highest authorities.
Judicial, legislative, and executive institutions have not failed to hold government officials accountable. In 2025, the Attorney General opened two criminal investigations into President Chaves, one for abuse of public office through illicit contracting and another for illicit campaign financing. In response, Chaves led a public protest demanding the Attorney General’s resignation, an unprecedented effort by a sitting president to exert pressure on the judiciary in Costa Rica’s democratic history. However, the Attorney General’s office did not yield to this pressure, and the investigations continued. In September 2025, the Legislative Assembly voted on whether to strip Chaves of his presidential immunity so he could stand trial, but the motion fell just four votes short of the required two-thirds majority. This outcome does not dismiss the investigation against him; rather, the cases remain open, but frozen, and he may be subject to trial in ordinary courts once he leaves office. Other oversight bodies also retain significant autonomy, with the Comptroller General frequently auditing government contracts and expenditures. The Assembly conducted a second impeachment vote on December 17, this time following an accusation from the Supreme Electoral Tribunal against the president of interfering in the general election due to take place in February, which is banned for officials such as the President who are not eligible for reelection under Costa Rican electoral law. The vote once again fell short, and Chaves retained his immunity.
