Fully Authoritarian
World’s Population
Population
HRF classifies the Central African Republic as ruled by a fully authoritarian regime.
The Central African Republic (CAR) is a presidential republic led by President Faustin-Archange Touadéra of the United Hearts Movement (MCU). The country has faced significant political instability and conflict, particularly since 2013, when the Séléka rebel coalition overthrew President François Bozizé, leading to ongoing violence and a humanitarian crisis. In 2020, former President Bozizé formed the Coalition of Patriots for Change (CPC), a new rebel alliance including ex-Séléka and anti-balaka factions, aimed at opposing Touadéra’s government. The recent constitutional amendment, validated in 2024, removed presidential term limits and extended each term from five to seven years, allowing Touadéra to run for a third term in the 2025 elections.
National elections are a sham, to the point where the real, mainstream political opposition does not have a realistic chance to meaningfully compete and possibly win. Elections are held; however, they are overshadowed by violence and logistical challenges, undermining the credibility and inclusive participation. Elections were repeatedly postponed due to the ongoing financial crisis and logistical challenges, then held on December 28, 2025, where incumbent president Faustin-Archange Touadéra won.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, and members of the general public are seriously and unfairly hindered in their ability to openly criticize or challenge the regime. The media environment is relatively open, with independent outlets actively reporting on sensitive issues while voicing criticism over the government. Radio stations like Radio Ndeke Luka and Radio Centrafrique, along with online platforms like Corbeau News and Abangui, provide critical coverage, contributing to democratic discourse. However, journalists and dissenters face significant risks, including intimidation, harassment, and violence from both state and non-state actors.
Institutions largely fail to serve as independent checks on the regime. The judiciary system continues to experience challenges and struggles to function independently, compromised by threats and undue influence from political leaders and armed groups. On July 12, 2024, President Touadéra announced reforms, dismissing 14 magistrates for misconduct and proposing new courts to bring justice closer to the people. Touadéra urged collaboration among ministries to secure funding for these initiatives. While these reforms show a commitment to strengthening the judiciary, challenges persist due to ongoing instability and interference that undermine the rule of law in the CAR.
National elections are a sham, to the point where the real, mainstream political opposition does not have a realistic chance to meaningfully compete and possibly win. National elections are held; however, they are overshadowed by violence and logistical challenges, undermining the credibility and inclusive participation. Elections were repeatedly postponed due to the ongoing financial crisis and logistical challenges, then held on December 28, 2025, where incumbent president Faustin-Archange Touadéra won following a change to the presidential term limits and allegations of fraud.
After the coup d’état in 2013 that ousted President François Bozizé, the Central African Republic plunged into a civil war involving various armed groups. The international community, including the United Nations and the African Union, intervened to support a peace process. In 2016, presidential and parliamentary elections were held, resulting in the election of Faustin-Archange Touadéra as the President. These elections were seen as a crucial step toward restoring peace and constitutional order, although they were overshadowed by security issues and logistical challenges. Following several delays, elections were held on December 28, 2025, with Touadéra winning with 76% of the vote.
The political system in the Central African Republic remains fragile. The government faces significant challenges, including ongoing armed conflicts and weak institutions. Large portions of the country are under the control of armed groups, undermining governmental functions and contributing to insecurity and political uncertainty. The ruling party, United Hearts Movement (Mouvement des Cœurs Unis, MCU), led by President Touadéra, dominates the political sphere. Elected in 2016 and re-elected in 2020, Touadéra’s administration has struggled to extend state authority beyond the capital, Bangui. The government’s limited reach has been exacerbated by the presence of armed groups controlling vast territories, which hampers effective governance and the delivery of public services.
The Coalition of Patriots for Change (Coalition des Patriotes pour le Changement, CPC) is a major opposition alliance composed of various armed groups and factions. Formed during the volatile 2020–2021 electoral period, the CPC continues to challenge the government. The CPC emerged in response to perceived marginalization and exclusion from the political process, particularly after Bozizé was barred from participating in the presidential election. Led by Bozizé, the coalition brings together groups such as the Union for Peace in the Central African Republic (Unité pour la Paix en Centrafrique, UPC), Return, Reclamation, and Rehabilitation (Retour, Réclamation et Réhabilitation, 3R), Anti-Balaka factions, and the Popular Front for the Renaissance of the Central African Republic (Front Populaire pour la Renaissance de la Centrafrique, FPRC).
The predominantly Muslim rebel coalition from the northeast, known as Seleka, attempted to disrupt elections and overthrow the government. Supported by thousands of Chadian and Sudanese mercenaries, Seleka marched on CAR’s capital, Bangui, facing no resistance. They succeeded in ousting President François Bozizé and initiating a transitional phase, but ultimately failed to maintain control over their fighters. However, internal fragmentation began to appear within the coalition. In late July 2024, Ali Darassa, leader of the UPC and then military chief of staff of the CPC, unilaterally declared a cessation of hostilities and expressed a willingness to engage in dialogue with the government. He affirmed his commitment to the Luanda Roadmap, a peace initiative facilitated by the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR).
The CPC (Coalition of Patriots for Change) today is fragmented due to internal disagreements over engagement with the government, which has significant implications for the political landscape of the Central African Republic. On one hand, Darassa’s willingness to engage in dialogue offers the government an opportunity to reintegrate armed groups through the DDRR process and reduce violence. On the other hand, the lack of unified leadership and distrust between factions could lead to escalating conflicts, undermining the peace process. Furthermore, cases like the arrest and conviction of opposition leader Crépin Mboli-Goumba, along with the prolonged detention of parliamentarian Dominique Yandocka, illustrate how targeting political figures through legal actions can stifle opposition, create an atmosphere of fear, and compromise the conditions necessary for free and fair elections.
The continued influence of armed groups and their control over resource-rich areas complicate efforts toward stable governance. These groups not only undermine governmental authority but also disrupt the conduct of fair and free elections, impeding the country’s democratic development. According to the International Crisis Group, despite the support of MINUSCA – the United Nations peacekeeping mission—as well as bilateral military support from Russia and Rwanda, recent developments indicate that the security situation remains highly volatile and could escalate rapidly, even in the capital city.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, and members of the general public are seriously and unfairly hindered in their ability to openly criticize or challenge the regime. The Central African Republic maintains a relatively free media environment where independent reporting and government criticism are possible. However, journalists and dissenters face significant risks, including intimidation, harassment, and violence from both state and non-state actors.
Radio remains the most important medium, especially in rural areas, with stations like Radio Ndeke Luka and Radio Centrafrique providing independent and reliable news coverage on sensitive topics such as corruption, governance, and human rights violations. Online news outlets like Corbeau News and Abangui are known for their critical reporting on both the government and armed groups, contributing to a diverse media landscape. However, Corbeau News, at the same time, is known for publishing misinformation and disinformation.
The regime has seriously intimidated or obstructed the work of independent, dissenting media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, or members of the general public. Journalists and dissenters face significant risks, including intimidation, harassment, and violence from both state and non-state actors. The absence of a robust legal framework to protect journalists and decriminalize press offenses leaves press freedom vulnerable.
The regime has seriously and unfairly repressed protests or gatherings. Freedom of assembly in the CAR is constitutionally guaranteed but often restricted in practice due to security concerns and political instability. Citizens have the right to organize and participate in peaceful protests, but demonstrations are frequently met with resistance from security forces. Instances of excessive force, arrests, and dispersal of protesters have been reported, particularly when protests criticize the government or address sensitive issues. The volatile security situation, exacerbated by the activities of armed groups, often serves as a justification for limiting public gatherings. Fear of retaliation from both state actors and armed groups can deter citizens from exercising their right to protest freely. Despite these challenges, civil society organizations occasionally organize demonstrations to advocate for peace, human rights, and governance reforms.
Non-governmental organizations play a crucial role in providing humanitarian aid, promoting human rights, and supporting development in the CAR. While civil society organizations (CSOs) generally operate freely, they face significant challenges that impede their activities. Logistical challenges include a lack of qualified and available staff and resources. Furthermore, the recently proposed “legal status of foreign agents” law exemplifies potential efforts to suppress dissent and limit civil society activities. This legislation would require individuals or organizations receiving financial or material support from foreign sources to be publicly registered and placed under heightened government surveillance.
In the Central African Republic, institutions largely fail to serve as independent checks on the regime. Multiple judicial proceedings against opposition political figures have intensified persistent tensions, particularly in the period leading up to critical elections, thereby undermining the credibility of the electoral process.
The regime has systematically subjected judicial institutions to reforms that abolish or seriously weaken their independence or operational effectiveness. The judiciary’s integrity has been substantially eroded by the transformation of the Constitutional Court into the Central African Constitutional Council under the new Constitution, enacted in August 2023. This restructuring, which increased the number of judges from nine to 11, enabled the regime to appoint a majority of magistrates loyal to President Touadéra. Danièle Darlan, the former President of the Constitutional Court, had opposed the president’s efforts to amend the constitution to extend his tenure in power. Consequently, she was dismissed in October 2022 under questionable circumstances, including being compelled to retire from her academic position at Bangui University. The new president of the Constitutional Council, Jean-Pierre Waboué, was swiftly appointed and ratified the constitutional amendments, thereby consolidating the government’s control over the judiciary. Critics contend that this overhaul was orchestrated to ensure the president’s indefinite rule, effectively stripping the Constitutional Court of its independence.
The situation is further aggravated by the actions of the Minister of Justice, Arnaud Djoubaye-Abazene, who has actively interfered in judicial matters. In a clear instance of such interference, in September 2024, Djoubaye-Abazene promised the release of rebel leaders Nourd Gregaza and Samir Antonio Osmani during a prison visit, claiming to act under the instructions of President Touadéra. They were subsequently released, demonstrating the profound influence the executive branch exerts over ongoing judicial cases.
Furthermore, the government’s relationship with the Russian paramilitary group Wagner has intensified concerns about impunity. A secret agreement between the Central African government and Wagner, signed in 2017, placed Wagner’s mercenaries beyond the reach of national justice, effectively granting them diplomatic immunity. This arrangement has allowed Wagner forces to operate in the country without accountability, even as they face accusations of involvement in violent incidents, including the alleged participation in the killing of three Russian journalists in 2018 and allegations of their involvement in the March 2023 murder of nine Chinese gold miners. Despite these serious accusations, the Central African government continues to shield the Wagner group from prosecution, thereby deepening the culture of impunity.
Courts have systematically, frequently, and unfairly failed to check, and enable, the regime’s attempts to repress criticism or retaliate against those who express open opposition to its most prominent, widely publicized policies. There has been a noticeable intensification in the persecution of opposition leaders and activists. In February 2024, Crépin Mboli-Goumba, the coordinator of the opposition Bloc Républicain pour la Défense de la Constitution, was arrested and subsequently convicted on charges of defamation and contempt of court following his allegations of corruption against magistrates. He received a suspended custodial sentence and was ordered to pay substantial damages. His arrest provoked protests from the bar association, which responded by temporarily suspending judicial proceedings. Similarly, parliamentarian Dominique Yandocka has remained in detention since December 2023, despite appeals from opposition leaders and civil society organizations for his release on health grounds. These arrests, coupled with the denial of permits for opposition protests, exemplify the government’s strategy to suppress dissent and further erode judicial independence.
However, the government has taken a significant step by establishing the Special Criminal Court, an integral part of the CAR’s judicial system, to advance efforts to combat impunity and restore the rule of law. Its establishment and operation involve close collaboration between the CAR government and international partners, notably the United Nations, MINUSCA, and the International Criminal Court.
HRF classifies the Central African Republic as ruled by a fully authoritarian regime.
The Central African Republic (CAR) is a presidential republic led by President Faustin-Archange Touadéra of the United Hearts Movement (MCU). The country has faced significant political instability and conflict, particularly since 2013, when the Séléka rebel coalition overthrew President François Bozizé, leading to ongoing violence and a humanitarian crisis. In 2020, former President Bozizé formed the Coalition of Patriots for Change (CPC), a new rebel alliance including ex-Séléka and anti-balaka factions, aimed at opposing Touadéra’s government. The recent constitutional amendment, validated in 2024, removed presidential term limits and extended each term from five to seven years, allowing Touadéra to run for a third term in the 2025 elections.
National elections are a sham, to the point where the real, mainstream political opposition does not have a realistic chance to meaningfully compete and possibly win. Elections are held; however, they are overshadowed by violence and logistical challenges, undermining the credibility and inclusive participation. Elections were repeatedly postponed due to the ongoing financial crisis and logistical challenges, then held on December 28, 2025, where incumbent president Faustin-Archange Touadéra won.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, and members of the general public are seriously and unfairly hindered in their ability to openly criticize or challenge the regime. The media environment is relatively open, with independent outlets actively reporting on sensitive issues while voicing criticism over the government. Radio stations like Radio Ndeke Luka and Radio Centrafrique, along with online platforms like Corbeau News and Abangui, provide critical coverage, contributing to democratic discourse. However, journalists and dissenters face significant risks, including intimidation, harassment, and violence from both state and non-state actors.
Institutions largely fail to serve as independent checks on the regime. The judiciary system continues to experience challenges and struggles to function independently, compromised by threats and undue influence from political leaders and armed groups. On July 12, 2024, President Touadéra announced reforms, dismissing 14 magistrates for misconduct and proposing new courts to bring justice closer to the people. Touadéra urged collaboration among ministries to secure funding for these initiatives. While these reforms show a commitment to strengthening the judiciary, challenges persist due to ongoing instability and interference that undermine the rule of law in the CAR.
National elections are a sham, to the point where the real, mainstream political opposition does not have a realistic chance to meaningfully compete and possibly win. National elections are held; however, they are overshadowed by violence and logistical challenges, undermining the credibility and inclusive participation. Elections were repeatedly postponed due to the ongoing financial crisis and logistical challenges, then held on December 28, 2025, where incumbent president Faustin-Archange Touadéra won following a change to the presidential term limits and allegations of fraud.
After the coup d’état in 2013 that ousted President François Bozizé, the Central African Republic plunged into a civil war involving various armed groups. The international community, including the United Nations and the African Union, intervened to support a peace process. In 2016, presidential and parliamentary elections were held, resulting in the election of Faustin-Archange Touadéra as the President. These elections were seen as a crucial step toward restoring peace and constitutional order, although they were overshadowed by security issues and logistical challenges. Following several delays, elections were held on December 28, 2025, with Touadéra winning with 76% of the vote.
The political system in the Central African Republic remains fragile. The government faces significant challenges, including ongoing armed conflicts and weak institutions. Large portions of the country are under the control of armed groups, undermining governmental functions and contributing to insecurity and political uncertainty. The ruling party, United Hearts Movement (Mouvement des Cœurs Unis, MCU), led by President Touadéra, dominates the political sphere. Elected in 2016 and re-elected in 2020, Touadéra’s administration has struggled to extend state authority beyond the capital, Bangui. The government’s limited reach has been exacerbated by the presence of armed groups controlling vast territories, which hampers effective governance and the delivery of public services.
The Coalition of Patriots for Change (Coalition des Patriotes pour le Changement, CPC) is a major opposition alliance composed of various armed groups and factions. Formed during the volatile 2020–2021 electoral period, the CPC continues to challenge the government. The CPC emerged in response to perceived marginalization and exclusion from the political process, particularly after Bozizé was barred from participating in the presidential election. Led by Bozizé, the coalition brings together groups such as the Union for Peace in the Central African Republic (Unité pour la Paix en Centrafrique, UPC), Return, Reclamation, and Rehabilitation (Retour, Réclamation et Réhabilitation, 3R), Anti-Balaka factions, and the Popular Front for the Renaissance of the Central African Republic (Front Populaire pour la Renaissance de la Centrafrique, FPRC).
The predominantly Muslim rebel coalition from the northeast, known as Seleka, attempted to disrupt elections and overthrow the government. Supported by thousands of Chadian and Sudanese mercenaries, Seleka marched on CAR’s capital, Bangui, facing no resistance. They succeeded in ousting President François Bozizé and initiating a transitional phase, but ultimately failed to maintain control over their fighters. However, internal fragmentation began to appear within the coalition. In late July 2024, Ali Darassa, leader of the UPC and then military chief of staff of the CPC, unilaterally declared a cessation of hostilities and expressed a willingness to engage in dialogue with the government. He affirmed his commitment to the Luanda Roadmap, a peace initiative facilitated by the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR).
The CPC (Coalition of Patriots for Change) today is fragmented due to internal disagreements over engagement with the government, which has significant implications for the political landscape of the Central African Republic. On one hand, Darassa’s willingness to engage in dialogue offers the government an opportunity to reintegrate armed groups through the DDRR process and reduce violence. On the other hand, the lack of unified leadership and distrust between factions could lead to escalating conflicts, undermining the peace process. Furthermore, cases like the arrest and conviction of opposition leader Crépin Mboli-Goumba, along with the prolonged detention of parliamentarian Dominique Yandocka, illustrate how targeting political figures through legal actions can stifle opposition, create an atmosphere of fear, and compromise the conditions necessary for free and fair elections.
The continued influence of armed groups and their control over resource-rich areas complicate efforts toward stable governance. These groups not only undermine governmental authority but also disrupt the conduct of fair and free elections, impeding the country’s democratic development. According to the International Crisis Group, despite the support of MINUSCA – the United Nations peacekeeping mission—as well as bilateral military support from Russia and Rwanda, recent developments indicate that the security situation remains highly volatile and could escalate rapidly, even in the capital city.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, and members of the general public are seriously and unfairly hindered in their ability to openly criticize or challenge the regime. The Central African Republic maintains a relatively free media environment where independent reporting and government criticism are possible. However, journalists and dissenters face significant risks, including intimidation, harassment, and violence from both state and non-state actors.
Radio remains the most important medium, especially in rural areas, with stations like Radio Ndeke Luka and Radio Centrafrique providing independent and reliable news coverage on sensitive topics such as corruption, governance, and human rights violations. Online news outlets like Corbeau News and Abangui are known for their critical reporting on both the government and armed groups, contributing to a diverse media landscape. However, Corbeau News, at the same time, is known for publishing misinformation and disinformation.
The regime has seriously intimidated or obstructed the work of independent, dissenting media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, or members of the general public. Journalists and dissenters face significant risks, including intimidation, harassment, and violence from both state and non-state actors. The absence of a robust legal framework to protect journalists and decriminalize press offenses leaves press freedom vulnerable.
The regime has seriously and unfairly repressed protests or gatherings. Freedom of assembly in the CAR is constitutionally guaranteed but often restricted in practice due to security concerns and political instability. Citizens have the right to organize and participate in peaceful protests, but demonstrations are frequently met with resistance from security forces. Instances of excessive force, arrests, and dispersal of protesters have been reported, particularly when protests criticize the government or address sensitive issues. The volatile security situation, exacerbated by the activities of armed groups, often serves as a justification for limiting public gatherings. Fear of retaliation from both state actors and armed groups can deter citizens from exercising their right to protest freely. Despite these challenges, civil society organizations occasionally organize demonstrations to advocate for peace, human rights, and governance reforms.
Non-governmental organizations play a crucial role in providing humanitarian aid, promoting human rights, and supporting development in the CAR. While civil society organizations (CSOs) generally operate freely, they face significant challenges that impede their activities. Logistical challenges include a lack of qualified and available staff and resources. Furthermore, the recently proposed “legal status of foreign agents” law exemplifies potential efforts to suppress dissent and limit civil society activities. This legislation would require individuals or organizations receiving financial or material support from foreign sources to be publicly registered and placed under heightened government surveillance.
In the Central African Republic, institutions largely fail to serve as independent checks on the regime. Multiple judicial proceedings against opposition political figures have intensified persistent tensions, particularly in the period leading up to critical elections, thereby undermining the credibility of the electoral process.
The regime has systematically subjected judicial institutions to reforms that abolish or seriously weaken their independence or operational effectiveness. The judiciary’s integrity has been substantially eroded by the transformation of the Constitutional Court into the Central African Constitutional Council under the new Constitution, enacted in August 2023. This restructuring, which increased the number of judges from nine to 11, enabled the regime to appoint a majority of magistrates loyal to President Touadéra. Danièle Darlan, the former President of the Constitutional Court, had opposed the president’s efforts to amend the constitution to extend his tenure in power. Consequently, she was dismissed in October 2022 under questionable circumstances, including being compelled to retire from her academic position at Bangui University. The new president of the Constitutional Council, Jean-Pierre Waboué, was swiftly appointed and ratified the constitutional amendments, thereby consolidating the government’s control over the judiciary. Critics contend that this overhaul was orchestrated to ensure the president’s indefinite rule, effectively stripping the Constitutional Court of its independence.
The situation is further aggravated by the actions of the Minister of Justice, Arnaud Djoubaye-Abazene, who has actively interfered in judicial matters. In a clear instance of such interference, in September 2024, Djoubaye-Abazene promised the release of rebel leaders Nourd Gregaza and Samir Antonio Osmani during a prison visit, claiming to act under the instructions of President Touadéra. They were subsequently released, demonstrating the profound influence the executive branch exerts over ongoing judicial cases.
Furthermore, the government’s relationship with the Russian paramilitary group Wagner has intensified concerns about impunity. A secret agreement between the Central African government and Wagner, signed in 2017, placed Wagner’s mercenaries beyond the reach of national justice, effectively granting them diplomatic immunity. This arrangement has allowed Wagner forces to operate in the country without accountability, even as they face accusations of involvement in violent incidents, including the alleged participation in the killing of three Russian journalists in 2018 and allegations of their involvement in the March 2023 murder of nine Chinese gold miners. Despite these serious accusations, the Central African government continues to shield the Wagner group from prosecution, thereby deepening the culture of impunity.
Courts have systematically, frequently, and unfairly failed to check, and enable, the regime’s attempts to repress criticism or retaliate against those who express open opposition to its most prominent, widely publicized policies. There has been a noticeable intensification in the persecution of opposition leaders and activists. In February 2024, Crépin Mboli-Goumba, the coordinator of the opposition Bloc Républicain pour la Défense de la Constitution, was arrested and subsequently convicted on charges of defamation and contempt of court following his allegations of corruption against magistrates. He received a suspended custodial sentence and was ordered to pay substantial damages. His arrest provoked protests from the bar association, which responded by temporarily suspending judicial proceedings. Similarly, parliamentarian Dominique Yandocka has remained in detention since December 2023, despite appeals from opposition leaders and civil society organizations for his release on health grounds. These arrests, coupled with the denial of permits for opposition protests, exemplify the government’s strategy to suppress dissent and further erode judicial independence.
However, the government has taken a significant step by establishing the Special Criminal Court, an integral part of the CAR’s judicial system, to advance efforts to combat impunity and restore the rule of law. Its establishment and operation involve close collaboration between the CAR government and international partners, notably the United Nations, MINUSCA, and the International Criminal Court.
