Hybrid Authoritarian
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Population
HRF classifies Fiji as ruled by a hybrid authoritarian regime.
Since gaining independence from British rule in 1970, Fiji has experienced sustained political instability marked by four coups d’état, including one that was civilian-led, and multiple constitutional overhauls. Many of these coups were precipitated by a long-standing ethnic division between indigenous Fijians (or iTaukei) and Fijians of Indian descent, also known as Indo-Fijians. The latest coup in 2006 installed coup leader Frank Bainimarama as prime minister. His tenure lasted for 16 years after electoral victories in 2014 and 2018. In December 2022, a three-party, multiethnic opposition coalition led by Sitiveni Rabuka unseated Bainimarama through elections. Rabuka had previously staged coups in 1987.
Electoral competition is significantly skewed in favor of the regime, to the point where the real, mainstream political opposition has a highly unlikely although realistic chance to win. Until 2022, the government led by Bainimarama disqualified opposition figures through judicial proceedings, heavily controlled the media and campaign environment, and enacted electoral laws to sideline the opposition. While the new government under Rabuka has repealed some restrictive media regulations, independent electoral oversight remains flawed, with the incumbent continuing to appoint loyalists to key election management bodies.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, and members of the general public are seriously and unfairly hindered in their ability to openly criticize or challenge the regime. Although press and media freedom have improved under Rabuka’s government, public officials continue to employ sedition laws to silence critics, including journalists and political opponents. The regime also habitually denies permits for peaceful, dissenting protests.
Finally, institutions are somewhat independent but frequently constrained by the regime in a way that enables it to systematically weaken or dismantle accountability mechanisms. The 2013 constitution has provided legal protection to past coup perpetrators, limiting the ability of courts to ensure their accountability, although the establishment of a Trust and Reconciliation Commission in 2024 constitutes a step forward in promoting open dialogue and social cohesion in the island country. Independent oversight bodies continue to suffer from politically motivated appointments and executive interference, which reduces their effectiveness.
Electoral competition is significantly skewed in favor of the regime, to the point where the real, mainstream political opposition has a highly unlikely, although realistic chance to win. Under Bainimarama, the government used politically-motivated prosecutions to disqualify opposition figures, exerted extensive control over the campaign environment, and engaged in electoral law manipulation. While the repeal of restrictive media regulations has led to some improvements, independent electoral oversight has remained flawed since 2022, with the Rabuka government continuing to appoint loyalists to key election management bodies.
Under Bainimarama, real, mainstream opposition candidates were unfairly barred from competing in elections. The regime used politically motivated judicial prosecutions to disqualify opponents ahead of elections. In 2022, three lawmakers from the rival Social Democratic Liberal Party (SODELPA) were sentenced to jail for erroneously declaring their home villages as their permanent place of residence and receiving allowances for it, despite residing in the capital Suva. In 2014, only one month before the polls, a court found Mahendra Chaudhry, another mainstream opposition party chair, guilty of fraud. The case originated from a matter that had been set aside by an independent inquiry commission years prior. In 2012, a court convicted Laisenia Qarase, the prime minister ousted in 2006 and leader of SODELPA, on corruption charges stemming from a 20-year-old matter. Both opposition leaders were barred from running in the 2014 and 2018 elections as a result.
The Bainimarama regime systematically enjoyed significant and unfair campaign advantages. The government tightly controlled the campaign environment, primarily through the Media Industry and Development Act (MIDA), a decree enacted in 2010 to prevent the media from engaging in reporting that threatens national interest and public order. Under MIDA and its regulating authority, the Brainarama administration maintained influence over key media outlets, securing a substantial advantage over the opposition during the election cycles. For example, in 2014, Fiji’s media authority led an investigation into the broadcast of a critical comment against Bainimarama during a public meeting by the TV station Fiji One News and ultimately labeled it “hate speech,” ordering the outlet to air an apology. Media bias in favor of the FijiFirst political party, founded by Bainimarama, was also evident during the 2018 election cycle, during which the government placed paid advertisements in national newspapers and conducted other high-profile activities to give itself a strategic advantage. In 2023, the Rabuka government repealed the Act, marking a notable leap forward in media freedom and a fairer campaign environment.
Although no large-scale electoral fraud or widespread rigging has been reported, the Bainimarama government engaged in significant electoral law manipulation. The regime strategically used electoral rulemaking to shape the pre-election environment in its favor. Shortly prior to the 2022 elections, an amendment to the 2014 Electoral Act imposed restrictions on the conduct of opinion polls, surveys, publication of opinions, and other watchdog activities related to the elections, vesting the Supervisor of Elections (SoE) with the authority to monitor their enforcement. Before the 2014 elections, the government placed a ban on parties with fewer than 5,000 members, resulting in the dissolution of two opposition parties. It also introduced a requirement that all political parties must register under an English name instead of a Fijian name, forcing its main opposition party, the Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua (United Fiji Party), to dissolve and regroup under the unfamiliar name of SODELPA.
Since the 2022 change in government, independent electoral oversight has remained seriously undermined. The Rabuka government continues to appoint loyalists to key election bodies such as the Electoral Commission (EC) and the Fijian Elections Office (FEO), which are responsible for overseeing electoral conditions and technical administration. Through the Constitutional Offices Commission (COC), Rabuka’s government has been able to shape the composition of the EC and, by extension, the workings of FEO, which acts under the EC’s directives. The FEO, headed by the SoE, has drawn criticism from both the opposition and international observers, particularly after a 2022 amendment to the 2014 Electoral Act, which granted the Supervisor broad information-gathering powers over election candidates. The same amendment included additional restrictions on the conduct of opinion polls, surveys, publication of opinions, and other watchdog activities related to the elections, vesting the Supervisor with the authority to monitor their enforcement. During Bainimarama’s rule, SoE Mohammed Saneem dismissed most complaints filed by opposition parties concerning potential electoral violations by FijiFirst and threatened mainstream opposition parties with deregistration at separate points until he left office in 2022.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, and members of the general public are seriously and unfairly hindered in their ability to openly criticize or challenge the governing authority. Although the repeal of MIDA has positively boosted press and media freedom, journalists and political opponents still face threats from regime officials who employ speech-related laws to silence critics. The regime also habitually denies permits for peaceful, dissenting protests.
The Rabuka regime has not heavily manipulated media coverage in its favor. Press and media freedom have significantly improved since the repeal of MIDA and the revival in 2023 of the Fiji Media Council, an independent body promoting self-regulation in the media industry. The repeal of MIDA has meant a more equal playing field that grants freer leeway to outlets historically critical of the Bainimarama regime, such as the Fiji Times. Under his tenure, the same paper was denied advertisement funds, forced to sell to a local media mogul, and subsequently saw its new owner prosecuted on corruption charges. Meanwhile, Bainimarama’s government co-opted the Fiji Sun – the traditional alternative to the Times – by maintaining a patronage link with its owner, the CJ Patel Group. The daily consequently took a heavily pro-FijiFirst stance in exchange for financial benefits. Under Rabuka, the former CEO of the state-owned Fijian Broadcasting Corporation (FBC) – a Bainimarama appointee and brother of former attorney general Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum – was removed following a vote of no confidence.
However, intimidation of independent media and political opponents remains present, albeit with important improvements after 2022. Although Rabuka’s government has eased media restrictions, instances of threats against journalists and the use of speech-related laws to silence critics persist. For example, in March 2024, Attorney General Siromi Turaga threatened to report the newspaper Fiji Sun to the Fiji Media Council for running a story accusing him of committing fraud during his years as a private legal practitioner. Moreover, many repressive sedition laws dating back to Bainimarama’s time in office continue to be operative. In February 2023, Bainimarama himself was suspended from parliament for sedition after criticizing President Willame Katonivere in his first parliamentary speech as opposition leader.
Protests have been seriously and unfairly repressed under Rabuka’s rule. Although the new government eased certain provisions that previously required a permit for all public gatherings and mandated that restrictions be imposed on justifiable grounds, permit denials still occasionally occur under the 1969 Public Order Act. In February 2024, authorities refused to allow the Fiji Trade Union Congress (FTUC) rally to take place, providing no justification. During Bainimarama’s tenure, the FTUC was denied permission for peaceful demonstrations on six occasions and saw its leader, Felix Anthony, arrested ahead of planned protests in 2019. The police also prohibited two planned Palestine solidarity marches in October and November 2023, with the Minister for Home Affairs publicly justifying the decision on public safety grounds. Organizers criticized the move as politically motivated, noting the incumbent government’s pro-Israel stance. In May 2024, activists further reported facing intimidation from police officers at a vigil against the human rights situation in Gaza and Papua, organized at the premises of the Fiji Women Crisis Center (FWCC).
Institutions are somewhat independent but frequently constrained by the regime. Judicial and legislative institutions have repeatedly failed to ensure accountability for past coup perpetrators and current government officials, although the establishment of a Trust and Reconciliation Commission in 2024 constitutes a step forward in restoring justice. Independent oversight bodies continue to suffer from politically motivated appointments and executive interference, harming their effectiveness.
Judicial institutions have frequently and unfairly failed to hold government officials accountable, as successive post-coup regimes have frustrated the courts’ ability to prosecute coup leaders. To date, the Fijian judiciary has secured the conviction of only one coup-maker, George Speight, the civilian leader who toppled the elected government of Mahendra Chaudhry in 2000. Yet, in September 2024, former President Williame Katonivere granted him clemency, following the incumbent coalition’s announcement to review his petition for pardon and a recommendation from the Mercy Commission. Former governments also interfered with this case on multiple occasions: on the day Speight was sentenced, the then-President Ratu Josefa Iloilo commuted the capital punishment to life imprisonment, and the Qarase government (2001-2006) tabled a bill aimed at pardoning Speight and others involved in the coup under the pretext of reconciliation, though it remained unconcluded when Qarase was ousted in 2006. In December 2024, however, Parliament took a significant step forward by setting up a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, an independent body tasked with promoting open and free engagement in truth-telling regarding the political upheavals in Fiji since 1987. The Commission is not empowered to prosecute offenders, but rather mandated to facilitate public dialogue. Its impact is nevertheless limited by the 2013 constitution, which extends immunity guarantees to the leaders of the 1987 and 2006 coups. This immunity is exempt from both judicial review and parliamentary scrutiny, thus preventing the prosecution of military personnel behind the coups, including sitting PM Rabuka.
However, in October 2025, former Prime Minister Bainimarama was sentenced to a 12-month suspended prison term by the Fiji High Court, which found him guilty of making an unwarranted demand with menace after he took advantage of his position to pressure the then-Acting Police Commissioner to sack two officers in 2021. Local media have reported that, under the present constitutional framework, this conviction effectively disqualifies Bainimarama from contesting the next general elections in 2026, prompting the FijiFirst to reorganize its leadership. Previously, in May 2024, Bainimarama was sentenced to one year in jail for interfering in a police investigation into allegations of financial mismanagement at the University of the South Pacific in Suva. Former Police Commissioner Sitiveni Qiliho was also sentenced in the same case for abuse of office. Bainimarama was granted early release in November 2024.
The regime has subjected independent oversight institutions to reforms that seriously weaken their independence and operational effectiveness, notably through strategic appointments and an expansion of executive control over dismissals. An example occurred in early September 2024, when President Katonivere appointed Barbara Malimali as Commissioner of the Fiji Independent Commission Against Corruption (FICAC), despite her being under investigation by the same body for alleged abuse of power during her tenure as chair of the Electoral Commission. On her first day in office, Malimali was detained and questioned by the police, sparking a political scandal that prompted PM Rabuka to instruct a Commission of Inquiry (CoI) to investigate the circumstances surrounding her appointment. The inquiry, led by Supreme Court judge David Ashton-Lewis, reported allegations that Malimali’s appointment had been a politically-motivated strategy by the regime to quash ongoing corruption investigations involving senior politicians. Following the conclusion of the inquiry in June 2025, President Lalabalavu, acting on Rabuka’s advice, officially terminated Malimali, who had been suspended at the outset of the investigation. This decision created further tensions, as Malimali subsequently filed a court complaint claiming that Rabuka’s involvement in her dismissal from FICAC was unlawful and amounted to executive overreach. Moreover, in August 2025, Ashton-Lewis came under police investigation following allegations made by the Fiji Law Society that he had breached the confidentiality of the CoI and showed a political bias in favor of Rabuka while leading the inquiry. Both cases remain pending as of November 2025.
HRF classifies Fiji as ruled by a hybrid authoritarian regime.
Since gaining independence from British rule in 1970, Fiji has experienced sustained political instability marked by four coups d’état, including one that was civilian-led, and multiple constitutional overhauls. Many of these coups were precipitated by a long-standing ethnic division between indigenous Fijians (or iTaukei) and Fijians of Indian descent, also known as Indo-Fijians. The latest coup in 2006 installed coup leader Frank Bainimarama as prime minister. His tenure lasted for 16 years after electoral victories in 2014 and 2018. In December 2022, a three-party, multiethnic opposition coalition led by Sitiveni Rabuka unseated Bainimarama through elections. Rabuka had previously staged coups in 1987.
Electoral competition is significantly skewed in favor of the regime, to the point where the real, mainstream political opposition has a highly unlikely although realistic chance to win. Until 2022, the government led by Bainimarama disqualified opposition figures through judicial proceedings, heavily controlled the media and campaign environment, and enacted electoral laws to sideline the opposition. While the new government under Rabuka has repealed some restrictive media regulations, independent electoral oversight remains flawed, with the incumbent continuing to appoint loyalists to key election management bodies.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, and members of the general public are seriously and unfairly hindered in their ability to openly criticize or challenge the regime. Although press and media freedom have improved under Rabuka’s government, public officials continue to employ sedition laws to silence critics, including journalists and political opponents. The regime also habitually denies permits for peaceful, dissenting protests.
Finally, institutions are somewhat independent but frequently constrained by the regime in a way that enables it to systematically weaken or dismantle accountability mechanisms. The 2013 constitution has provided legal protection to past coup perpetrators, limiting the ability of courts to ensure their accountability, although the establishment of a Trust and Reconciliation Commission in 2024 constitutes a step forward in promoting open dialogue and social cohesion in the island country. Independent oversight bodies continue to suffer from politically motivated appointments and executive interference, which reduces their effectiveness.
Electoral competition is significantly skewed in favor of the regime, to the point where the real, mainstream political opposition has a highly unlikely, although realistic chance to win. Under Bainimarama, the government used politically-motivated prosecutions to disqualify opposition figures, exerted extensive control over the campaign environment, and engaged in electoral law manipulation. While the repeal of restrictive media regulations has led to some improvements, independent electoral oversight has remained flawed since 2022, with the Rabuka government continuing to appoint loyalists to key election management bodies.
Under Bainimarama, real, mainstream opposition candidates were unfairly barred from competing in elections. The regime used politically motivated judicial prosecutions to disqualify opponents ahead of elections. In 2022, three lawmakers from the rival Social Democratic Liberal Party (SODELPA) were sentenced to jail for erroneously declaring their home villages as their permanent place of residence and receiving allowances for it, despite residing in the capital Suva. In 2014, only one month before the polls, a court found Mahendra Chaudhry, another mainstream opposition party chair, guilty of fraud. The case originated from a matter that had been set aside by an independent inquiry commission years prior. In 2012, a court convicted Laisenia Qarase, the prime minister ousted in 2006 and leader of SODELPA, on corruption charges stemming from a 20-year-old matter. Both opposition leaders were barred from running in the 2014 and 2018 elections as a result.
The Bainimarama regime systematically enjoyed significant and unfair campaign advantages. The government tightly controlled the campaign environment, primarily through the Media Industry and Development Act (MIDA), a decree enacted in 2010 to prevent the media from engaging in reporting that threatens national interest and public order. Under MIDA and its regulating authority, the Brainarama administration maintained influence over key media outlets, securing a substantial advantage over the opposition during the election cycles. For example, in 2014, Fiji’s media authority led an investigation into the broadcast of a critical comment against Bainimarama during a public meeting by the TV station Fiji One News and ultimately labeled it “hate speech,” ordering the outlet to air an apology. Media bias in favor of the FijiFirst political party, founded by Bainimarama, was also evident during the 2018 election cycle, during which the government placed paid advertisements in national newspapers and conducted other high-profile activities to give itself a strategic advantage. In 2023, the Rabuka government repealed the Act, marking a notable leap forward in media freedom and a fairer campaign environment.
Although no large-scale electoral fraud or widespread rigging has been reported, the Bainimarama government engaged in significant electoral law manipulation. The regime strategically used electoral rulemaking to shape the pre-election environment in its favor. Shortly prior to the 2022 elections, an amendment to the 2014 Electoral Act imposed restrictions on the conduct of opinion polls, surveys, publication of opinions, and other watchdog activities related to the elections, vesting the Supervisor of Elections (SoE) with the authority to monitor their enforcement. Before the 2014 elections, the government placed a ban on parties with fewer than 5,000 members, resulting in the dissolution of two opposition parties. It also introduced a requirement that all political parties must register under an English name instead of a Fijian name, forcing its main opposition party, the Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua (United Fiji Party), to dissolve and regroup under the unfamiliar name of SODELPA.
Since the 2022 change in government, independent electoral oversight has remained seriously undermined. The Rabuka government continues to appoint loyalists to key election bodies such as the Electoral Commission (EC) and the Fijian Elections Office (FEO), which are responsible for overseeing electoral conditions and technical administration. Through the Constitutional Offices Commission (COC), Rabuka’s government has been able to shape the composition of the EC and, by extension, the workings of FEO, which acts under the EC’s directives. The FEO, headed by the SoE, has drawn criticism from both the opposition and international observers, particularly after a 2022 amendment to the 2014 Electoral Act, which granted the Supervisor broad information-gathering powers over election candidates. The same amendment included additional restrictions on the conduct of opinion polls, surveys, publication of opinions, and other watchdog activities related to the elections, vesting the Supervisor with the authority to monitor their enforcement. During Bainimarama’s rule, SoE Mohammed Saneem dismissed most complaints filed by opposition parties concerning potential electoral violations by FijiFirst and threatened mainstream opposition parties with deregistration at separate points until he left office in 2022.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, and members of the general public are seriously and unfairly hindered in their ability to openly criticize or challenge the governing authority. Although the repeal of MIDA has positively boosted press and media freedom, journalists and political opponents still face threats from regime officials who employ speech-related laws to silence critics. The regime also habitually denies permits for peaceful, dissenting protests.
The Rabuka regime has not heavily manipulated media coverage in its favor. Press and media freedom have significantly improved since the repeal of MIDA and the revival in 2023 of the Fiji Media Council, an independent body promoting self-regulation in the media industry. The repeal of MIDA has meant a more equal playing field that grants freer leeway to outlets historically critical of the Bainimarama regime, such as the Fiji Times. Under his tenure, the same paper was denied advertisement funds, forced to sell to a local media mogul, and subsequently saw its new owner prosecuted on corruption charges. Meanwhile, Bainimarama’s government co-opted the Fiji Sun – the traditional alternative to the Times – by maintaining a patronage link with its owner, the CJ Patel Group. The daily consequently took a heavily pro-FijiFirst stance in exchange for financial benefits. Under Rabuka, the former CEO of the state-owned Fijian Broadcasting Corporation (FBC) – a Bainimarama appointee and brother of former attorney general Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum – was removed following a vote of no confidence.
However, intimidation of independent media and political opponents remains present, albeit with important improvements after 2022. Although Rabuka’s government has eased media restrictions, instances of threats against journalists and the use of speech-related laws to silence critics persist. For example, in March 2024, Attorney General Siromi Turaga threatened to report the newspaper Fiji Sun to the Fiji Media Council for running a story accusing him of committing fraud during his years as a private legal practitioner. Moreover, many repressive sedition laws dating back to Bainimarama’s time in office continue to be operative. In February 2023, Bainimarama himself was suspended from parliament for sedition after criticizing President Willame Katonivere in his first parliamentary speech as opposition leader.
Protests have been seriously and unfairly repressed under Rabuka’s rule. Although the new government eased certain provisions that previously required a permit for all public gatherings and mandated that restrictions be imposed on justifiable grounds, permit denials still occasionally occur under the 1969 Public Order Act. In February 2024, authorities refused to allow the Fiji Trade Union Congress (FTUC) rally to take place, providing no justification. During Bainimarama’s tenure, the FTUC was denied permission for peaceful demonstrations on six occasions and saw its leader, Felix Anthony, arrested ahead of planned protests in 2019. The police also prohibited two planned Palestine solidarity marches in October and November 2023, with the Minister for Home Affairs publicly justifying the decision on public safety grounds. Organizers criticized the move as politically motivated, noting the incumbent government’s pro-Israel stance. In May 2024, activists further reported facing intimidation from police officers at a vigil against the human rights situation in Gaza and Papua, organized at the premises of the Fiji Women Crisis Center (FWCC).
Institutions are somewhat independent but frequently constrained by the regime. Judicial and legislative institutions have repeatedly failed to ensure accountability for past coup perpetrators and current government officials, although the establishment of a Trust and Reconciliation Commission in 2024 constitutes a step forward in restoring justice. Independent oversight bodies continue to suffer from politically motivated appointments and executive interference, harming their effectiveness.
Judicial institutions have frequently and unfairly failed to hold government officials accountable, as successive post-coup regimes have frustrated the courts’ ability to prosecute coup leaders. To date, the Fijian judiciary has secured the conviction of only one coup-maker, George Speight, the civilian leader who toppled the elected government of Mahendra Chaudhry in 2000. Yet, in September 2024, former President Williame Katonivere granted him clemency, following the incumbent coalition’s announcement to review his petition for pardon and a recommendation from the Mercy Commission. Former governments also interfered with this case on multiple occasions: on the day Speight was sentenced, the then-President Ratu Josefa Iloilo commuted the capital punishment to life imprisonment, and the Qarase government (2001-2006) tabled a bill aimed at pardoning Speight and others involved in the coup under the pretext of reconciliation, though it remained unconcluded when Qarase was ousted in 2006. In December 2024, however, Parliament took a significant step forward by setting up a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, an independent body tasked with promoting open and free engagement in truth-telling regarding the political upheavals in Fiji since 1987. The Commission is not empowered to prosecute offenders, but rather mandated to facilitate public dialogue. Its impact is nevertheless limited by the 2013 constitution, which extends immunity guarantees to the leaders of the 1987 and 2006 coups. This immunity is exempt from both judicial review and parliamentary scrutiny, thus preventing the prosecution of military personnel behind the coups, including sitting PM Rabuka.
However, in October 2025, former Prime Minister Bainimarama was sentenced to a 12-month suspended prison term by the Fiji High Court, which found him guilty of making an unwarranted demand with menace after he took advantage of his position to pressure the then-Acting Police Commissioner to sack two officers in 2021. Local media have reported that, under the present constitutional framework, this conviction effectively disqualifies Bainimarama from contesting the next general elections in 2026, prompting the FijiFirst to reorganize its leadership. Previously, in May 2024, Bainimarama was sentenced to one year in jail for interfering in a police investigation into allegations of financial mismanagement at the University of the South Pacific in Suva. Former Police Commissioner Sitiveni Qiliho was also sentenced in the same case for abuse of office. Bainimarama was granted early release in November 2024.
The regime has subjected independent oversight institutions to reforms that seriously weaken their independence and operational effectiveness, notably through strategic appointments and an expansion of executive control over dismissals. An example occurred in early September 2024, when President Katonivere appointed Barbara Malimali as Commissioner of the Fiji Independent Commission Against Corruption (FICAC), despite her being under investigation by the same body for alleged abuse of power during her tenure as chair of the Electoral Commission. On her first day in office, Malimali was detained and questioned by the police, sparking a political scandal that prompted PM Rabuka to instruct a Commission of Inquiry (CoI) to investigate the circumstances surrounding her appointment. The inquiry, led by Supreme Court judge David Ashton-Lewis, reported allegations that Malimali’s appointment had been a politically-motivated strategy by the regime to quash ongoing corruption investigations involving senior politicians. Following the conclusion of the inquiry in June 2025, President Lalabalavu, acting on Rabuka’s advice, officially terminated Malimali, who had been suspended at the outset of the investigation. This decision created further tensions, as Malimali subsequently filed a court complaint claiming that Rabuka’s involvement in her dismissal from FICAC was unlawful and amounted to executive overreach. Moreover, in August 2025, Ashton-Lewis came under police investigation following allegations made by the Fiji Law Society that he had breached the confidentiality of the CoI and showed a political bias in favor of Rabuka while leading the inquiry. Both cases remain pending as of November 2025.
