Democracy
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HRF classifies Canada as democratic.
Canada’s parliamentary democracy has developed alongside a long national independence process that culminated in 1982 with the Canada Act. Following its full independence from the United Kingdom, Canada has consolidated into a robust and stable democracy. Although challenges remain, in recent decades, the federal government has undertaken significant legal and institutional reforms to recognize the rights of Indigenous peoples and integrate them more fully into the country’s democratic framework. Canada retains the British monarch as its head of state, but the role of the monarch is limited and does not interfere with democratic governance. The head of government is the Prime Minister, who usually leads the majority party or governing coalition within the House of Commons. Elections take place at least every four years, but can occur more frequently. The Liberal Party has led Canada since 2015; however, after it lost its majority government in the 2019 elections, it has had to form coalitions to effectively govern. In January 2025, former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau resigned, and Mark Carney became the new leader of the Liberal Party.
National elections in Canada are largely free and fair. The two largest mainstream parties, the center-left Liberal Party and the right-wing Conservative Party, regularly compete for seats in the House of Commons, along with smaller parties like the Bloc Québécois and the New Democratic Party. An independent electoral organism, Elections Canada, effectively manages elections and enforces federal election law.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, and regular people in Canada are largely free to openly criticize or challenge the government. Media companies and civil society organizations and associations (CSOs) operate freely and are able to act as government watchdogs. Occasional infringements upon the rights of dissidents have been reported, including the unfair arrests of journalists. However, rights violations against dissidents are usually investigated, and perpetrators are sometimes held accountable. The right to peacefully protest and assemble is guaranteed by the Canadian Constitution and generally upheld by the government, but excessive use of state force against protesters has been occasionally reported. Emerging threats from non-state actors targeting journalists, activists, and dissidents on behalf of foreign regimes in Canada have also created new challenges in holding perpetrators accountable.
Institutions are independent and largely serve as a check on the Canadian government. The judicial branch and the government’s regulatory bodies operate effectively and independently, providing a strong safeguard against potential abuses. Recent corruption scandals have eroded public trust and revealed some weaknesses within Canada’s relatively robust accountability mechanisms. Nonetheless, wrongdoing by government officials is usually investigated, and Canadian institutions generally hold officials accountable for their actions.
National elections in Canada are largely free and fair. The mainstream federal parties are able to fairly compete for representation in the legislature. Smaller parties and independent candidates can face structural disadvantages in an electoral system that has traditionally favored larger, well-established parties. Nonetheless, elections remain competitive, and Canada’s largest parties must sometimes form coalitions with smaller parties to be able to effectively govern the country. Canada’s electoral framework is robust, and its oversight institutions are independent, functional, and transparent.
In Canada, the government has not unfairly barred a real, mainstream opposition party or candidate from competing in elections. Political parties are able to freely and fairly participate in federal elections for seats in the House of Commons. The center-left Liberal Party and the right-wing Conservative Party regularly compete for the legislative majority and the premiership. The Liberal Party has led Canada with a minority government since 2019, when it lost the majority status it had obtained in its initial victory against the then-incumbent Conservative government in 2015. In order to effectively govern at the head of a minority government, the Liberal Party has had to engage and form consensus with smaller federal parties with minority representation, such as the Bloc Québécois, the New Democratic Party, and the Green Party.
The Canadian government has not engaged in voting irregularities or electoral fraud. Elections in Canada are highly competitive, and when political transitions take place, they are largely peaceful. Geopolitical developments, along with the resignation of former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, contributed to the Liberal Party’s fourth consecutive electoral victory during the 2025 legislative snap elections. Prior to January 2025, Trudeau’s loss of support within his party and among the general public had favored a Conservative victory. The election of Donald Trump in the United States and Trudeau’s resignation boosted the Liberal Party after a period of acute political crisis. Under the new leadership of current Prime Minister Mark Carney, the Liberal Party was able to retain the premiership; however, it failed to reach the 172-seat threshold to form a majority government.
Independent electoral oversight has not been seriously undermined by the government. Canada’s electoral oversight institutions and framework operate effectively and independently to protect the integrity of elections. National elections are administered by Elections Canada, an independent institution that enforces federal election law without undue influence from the party in power. Civil society members and the general public are able to directly report their electoral observations to Elections Canada, which is then charged with investigating citizens’ concerns and publishing its findings. Moreover, there are mechanisms in place to address close-call races and other electoral disputes via independent judicial review. Independent international observers, like the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), have praised the civic engagement and management of elections in Canada. Electoral watchdogs have also issued recommendations to further strengthen electoral equity in Canada, including enhancing regulation on political advertising and updating campaign financing laws to address the growing electoral impact of new technologies.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, and members of the general public are largely free to openly criticize or challenge the government. Media workers, activists, and civil society leaders work in a largely free and favorable environment; however, instances of harassment do sometimes occur. Individuals have the right to peacefully protest and assemble, which is constitutionally protected and generally upheld by the government. Instances of excessive use of force by government officials against protesters have also been occasionally reported. Rights violations against dissidents are generally investigated, and perpetrators are sometimes held accountable. Civil society in Canada also faces growing threats from hostile non-state actors with ties to foreign regimes. In response to these external threats, the federal government has begun to take steps to combat transnational repression.
The government has not unfairly shut down independent, dissenting organizations. Civil society in Canada is vibrant; CSOs, labor unions, and other entities are able to organize effectively to publicly voice collective concerns over a wide range of issues. The country’s media landscape is primarily populated by privately-owned media companies. News, information, and media circulate freely in Canada. CSOs are able to engage in direct policy advising and civic action through different partnerships with government entities and actors. For example, through its Inspire Democracy program, Elections Canada engages with dozens of CSOs in order to improve access to the ballot and promote voter education and mobilization. At the same time, CSOs also act as watchdogs by investigating and denouncing wrongdoing by government officials. In February 2025, free speech advocates at PEN Canada spoke out against the arrest of author Yves Engler by the Montreal police for online speech critical of a supporter of the Israeli state. According to PEN Canada, Engler’s online comments do not violate Canadian law and are protected by the country’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms. After spending five days in jail, Engler was released and, in July 2025, the charges against him for alleged harassment linked to his online posts were dropped.
Canadian government officials have not seriously intimidated or obstructed the work of independent, dissenting media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, or members of the general public. Occasional infringements on the rights of dissidents have been reported; in these cases, victims are usually able to press charges against the government officials responsible. Canada possesses a robust legal framework for the protection of media workers and their sources, outlined in the Canada Evidence Act and the amendments introduced by the Journalistic Sources Protection Act. As a result, media workers work under generally favorable circumstances, mostly free from undue political pressure. The Canadian government has also taken some steps to support independent journalists. For instance, the Local Journalism Initiative supports the work of small independent media and freelance journalists operating in news deserts—areas in which there is little to no local news. However, journalists have occasionally been unfairly arrested while covering police operations and protests. In January 2024, police arrested reporter Brandi Morin and charged her with obstruction while she was covering an operation to clear an informal encampment site in the city of Edmonton. In March 2024, the charges against Morin were dropped.
Protests or gatherings in Canada have not been seriously and unfairly repressed by the government. Individuals in Canada are largely free to peacefully assemble and protest. However, government officials have occasionally been criticized and sanctioned for infringing upon the rights of protesters. Civil society organizations and members of the general public are able to effectively mobilize and voice their concerns. In June 2025, thousands gathered in Ottawa ahead of the G7 summit hosted by Canada to protest different aspects of the country’s foreign policy as well as the actions of foreign leaders. In March 2022, protesters across Canada joined a global climate protest, challenging government inaction on climate change. On the other hand, in 2022, former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau invoked the Emergencies Act in response to convoys protesting government restrictions during the COVID-19 pandemic. Trudeau’s invocation of the Emergencies Act elicited criticism as it had never before been used in response to protests; courts ultimately ruled that the invocation had been improper and led to the violation of constitutional rights. Canadian police forces have also been occasionally implicated in excessive use of force against protesters. Between 2019 and 2021, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police conducted militarized raids on the encampments of Wet’suwet’en indigenous protesters who attempted to block the construction of a natural gas pipeline through Wet’suwet’en land. According to a report by Amnesty International, police surveilled, harassed, and threatened unarmed protesters, engaging in disproportionate use of force.
The Canadian government does not engage in transnational repression; however, a growing number of threats targeting civil society members in Canada have been traced back to foreign authoritarian regimes seeking to silence criticism abroad. For example, in 2023, the former leader of the New Democratic Party, Jagmeet Singh, had to be placed under police protection after Canadian officials uncovered serious threats from non-state criminal actors with ties to the Indian government. The involvement of foreign actors has limited Canadian officials’ ability to fully protect civil society members and hold perpetrators accountable. However, the federal government has recognized these threats and is taking steps to protect Canada’s vibrant civil society. In August 2025, officials from the Carney administration announced the government’s intention to appoint Canada’s first foreign interference commissioner as part of a broader effort to combat transnational repression.
Institutions are independent and largely serve as a check on the government. Courts in Canada do not hesitate to issue decisions that are unfavorable to the party in power. Moreover, the real independence and efficiency of the judiciary serve to protect electoral integrity. Three major corruption scandals that emerged during the premiership of Justin Trudeau (2015 – 2025) have revealed some weaknesses in Canada’s relatively robust accountability mechanisms. However, Canadian institutions generally hold officials accountable for their actions.
The government has not undermined institutional independence to the point where cases or issues challenging the governing authority are no longer brought or are frequently dismissed. Effective separation of powers, as well as transparent mechanisms for the appointment, promotion, and sanctioning of judges, ensures the judiciary’s overall independence and ability to fairly consider cases that challenge the government. For example, in January 2024, a federal judge ruled that the government of then-Prime Minister Justin Trudeau had infringed the constitutional rights of protesters when it invoked the Emergencies Act to disperse convoys protesting government COVID-19 pandemic restrictions in 2022. With regard to Canada’s regulatory bodies, their independence is assured via transparent appointment and dismissal processes that usually involve all the political parties represented in the House of Commons. Regulatory officials usually report directly to the House of Commons rather than the executive, affording them real operational independence to oversee and investigate government actions.
Canadian courts have not unfairly failed to check, or enabled, the government’s attempts to significantly undermine electoral competition or make the electoral process significantly skewed in its favor. The real independence and efficiency of Canadian institutions serve to protect electoral integrity. For instance, the 2025 snap elections featured several close-call scenarios in which candidates won by thin margins—one Newfoundland race was determined by 12 votes. Elections Canada collaborated with the judiciary in order to address any electoral disputes in accordance with the federal electoral law. Federal law stipulates that automatic judicial recounts take place when the margin is less than one-thousandth of the total valid votes cast. Even without meeting this specific threshold, candidates can request a recount. The 2025 recounts were particularly important as they could determine whether the incumbent Liberal Party could pass the 172-seat threshold to lead a majority government. Elections Canada and the judiciary operated independently to resolve the closely disputed races and, ultimately, the Liberal Party fell short of a majority by three seats.
Judicial, legislative, or executive institutions have not frequently and unfairly failed to hold government officials accountable. The Office of the Conflict of Interest and Ethics Commissioner investigated former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau on three distinct occasions throughout his nine years in office. In 2017 and 2019, respectively, commissioners Mary Dawson and Mario Dion found Trudeau to have been in violation of the Conflict of Interest Act. In 2019, Justin Trudeau and members of his staff were implicated in attempts to exert pressure on former Attorney General Jody Wilson-Raybould in order to influence the outcome of a case against the construction company SNC-Lavalin. As a result, four members of Trudeau’s team resigned, and the Prime Minister issued a public apology. In 2021, Commissioner Dion cleared Trudeau of wrongdoing in a third ethics investigation, which elicited criticism from opposition members as well as from some members of civil society—the CSO Democracy Watch’s legal challenge to Dion’s 2021 Trudeau III Report was approved for review by the Supreme Court of Canada in May 2025. The final scandal of Trudeau’s premiership nonetheless resulted in the resignation of then-finance minister Bill Morneau, who was later found to be in violation of the Conflict of Interest Act. In order to further strengthen Canada’s accountability measures, some political leaders and civil society members have advocated for a partial reform of the Conflict of Interest Act, which would eliminate provisions that allowed Trudeau to avoid incurring financial penalties, as well as generally increase penalties for ethics violations.
HRF classifies Canada as democratic.
Canada’s parliamentary democracy has developed alongside a long national independence process that culminated in 1982 with the Canada Act. Following its full independence from the United Kingdom, Canada has consolidated into a robust and stable democracy. Although challenges remain, in recent decades, the federal government has undertaken significant legal and institutional reforms to recognize the rights of Indigenous peoples and integrate them more fully into the country’s democratic framework. Canada retains the British monarch as its head of state, but the role of the monarch is limited and does not interfere with democratic governance. The head of government is the Prime Minister, who usually leads the majority party or governing coalition within the House of Commons. Elections take place at least every four years, but can occur more frequently. The Liberal Party has led Canada since 2015; however, after it lost its majority government in the 2019 elections, it has had to form coalitions to effectively govern. In January 2025, former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau resigned, and Mark Carney became the new leader of the Liberal Party.
National elections in Canada are largely free and fair. The two largest mainstream parties, the center-left Liberal Party and the right-wing Conservative Party, regularly compete for seats in the House of Commons, along with smaller parties like the Bloc Québécois and the New Democratic Party. An independent electoral organism, Elections Canada, effectively manages elections and enforces federal election law.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, and regular people in Canada are largely free to openly criticize or challenge the government. Media companies and civil society organizations and associations (CSOs) operate freely and are able to act as government watchdogs. Occasional infringements upon the rights of dissidents have been reported, including the unfair arrests of journalists. However, rights violations against dissidents are usually investigated, and perpetrators are sometimes held accountable. The right to peacefully protest and assemble is guaranteed by the Canadian Constitution and generally upheld by the government, but excessive use of state force against protesters has been occasionally reported. Emerging threats from non-state actors targeting journalists, activists, and dissidents on behalf of foreign regimes in Canada have also created new challenges in holding perpetrators accountable.
Institutions are independent and largely serve as a check on the Canadian government. The judicial branch and the government’s regulatory bodies operate effectively and independently, providing a strong safeguard against potential abuses. Recent corruption scandals have eroded public trust and revealed some weaknesses within Canada’s relatively robust accountability mechanisms. Nonetheless, wrongdoing by government officials is usually investigated, and Canadian institutions generally hold officials accountable for their actions.
National elections in Canada are largely free and fair. The mainstream federal parties are able to fairly compete for representation in the legislature. Smaller parties and independent candidates can face structural disadvantages in an electoral system that has traditionally favored larger, well-established parties. Nonetheless, elections remain competitive, and Canada’s largest parties must sometimes form coalitions with smaller parties to be able to effectively govern the country. Canada’s electoral framework is robust, and its oversight institutions are independent, functional, and transparent.
In Canada, the government has not unfairly barred a real, mainstream opposition party or candidate from competing in elections. Political parties are able to freely and fairly participate in federal elections for seats in the House of Commons. The center-left Liberal Party and the right-wing Conservative Party regularly compete for the legislative majority and the premiership. The Liberal Party has led Canada with a minority government since 2019, when it lost the majority status it had obtained in its initial victory against the then-incumbent Conservative government in 2015. In order to effectively govern at the head of a minority government, the Liberal Party has had to engage and form consensus with smaller federal parties with minority representation, such as the Bloc Québécois, the New Democratic Party, and the Green Party.
The Canadian government has not engaged in voting irregularities or electoral fraud. Elections in Canada are highly competitive, and when political transitions take place, they are largely peaceful. Geopolitical developments, along with the resignation of former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, contributed to the Liberal Party’s fourth consecutive electoral victory during the 2025 legislative snap elections. Prior to January 2025, Trudeau’s loss of support within his party and among the general public had favored a Conservative victory. The election of Donald Trump in the United States and Trudeau’s resignation boosted the Liberal Party after a period of acute political crisis. Under the new leadership of current Prime Minister Mark Carney, the Liberal Party was able to retain the premiership; however, it failed to reach the 172-seat threshold to form a majority government.
Independent electoral oversight has not been seriously undermined by the government. Canada’s electoral oversight institutions and framework operate effectively and independently to protect the integrity of elections. National elections are administered by Elections Canada, an independent institution that enforces federal election law without undue influence from the party in power. Civil society members and the general public are able to directly report their electoral observations to Elections Canada, which is then charged with investigating citizens’ concerns and publishing its findings. Moreover, there are mechanisms in place to address close-call races and other electoral disputes via independent judicial review. Independent international observers, like the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), have praised the civic engagement and management of elections in Canada. Electoral watchdogs have also issued recommendations to further strengthen electoral equity in Canada, including enhancing regulation on political advertising and updating campaign financing laws to address the growing electoral impact of new technologies.
Independent media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, and members of the general public are largely free to openly criticize or challenge the government. Media workers, activists, and civil society leaders work in a largely free and favorable environment; however, instances of harassment do sometimes occur. Individuals have the right to peacefully protest and assemble, which is constitutionally protected and generally upheld by the government. Instances of excessive use of force by government officials against protesters have also been occasionally reported. Rights violations against dissidents are generally investigated, and perpetrators are sometimes held accountable. Civil society in Canada also faces growing threats from hostile non-state actors with ties to foreign regimes. In response to these external threats, the federal government has begun to take steps to combat transnational repression.
The government has not unfairly shut down independent, dissenting organizations. Civil society in Canada is vibrant; CSOs, labor unions, and other entities are able to organize effectively to publicly voice collective concerns over a wide range of issues. The country’s media landscape is primarily populated by privately-owned media companies. News, information, and media circulate freely in Canada. CSOs are able to engage in direct policy advising and civic action through different partnerships with government entities and actors. For example, through its Inspire Democracy program, Elections Canada engages with dozens of CSOs in order to improve access to the ballot and promote voter education and mobilization. At the same time, CSOs also act as watchdogs by investigating and denouncing wrongdoing by government officials. In February 2025, free speech advocates at PEN Canada spoke out against the arrest of author Yves Engler by the Montreal police for online speech critical of a supporter of the Israeli state. According to PEN Canada, Engler’s online comments do not violate Canadian law and are protected by the country’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms. After spending five days in jail, Engler was released and, in July 2025, the charges against him for alleged harassment linked to his online posts were dropped.
Canadian government officials have not seriously intimidated or obstructed the work of independent, dissenting media, political leaders, civil society leaders, organizations, or members of the general public. Occasional infringements on the rights of dissidents have been reported; in these cases, victims are usually able to press charges against the government officials responsible. Canada possesses a robust legal framework for the protection of media workers and their sources, outlined in the Canada Evidence Act and the amendments introduced by the Journalistic Sources Protection Act. As a result, media workers work under generally favorable circumstances, mostly free from undue political pressure. The Canadian government has also taken some steps to support independent journalists. For instance, the Local Journalism Initiative supports the work of small independent media and freelance journalists operating in news deserts—areas in which there is little to no local news. However, journalists have occasionally been unfairly arrested while covering police operations and protests. In January 2024, police arrested reporter Brandi Morin and charged her with obstruction while she was covering an operation to clear an informal encampment site in the city of Edmonton. In March 2024, the charges against Morin were dropped.
Protests or gatherings in Canada have not been seriously and unfairly repressed by the government. Individuals in Canada are largely free to peacefully assemble and protest. However, government officials have occasionally been criticized and sanctioned for infringing upon the rights of protesters. Civil society organizations and members of the general public are able to effectively mobilize and voice their concerns. In June 2025, thousands gathered in Ottawa ahead of the G7 summit hosted by Canada to protest different aspects of the country’s foreign policy as well as the actions of foreign leaders. In March 2022, protesters across Canada joined a global climate protest, challenging government inaction on climate change. On the other hand, in 2022, former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau invoked the Emergencies Act in response to convoys protesting government restrictions during the COVID-19 pandemic. Trudeau’s invocation of the Emergencies Act elicited criticism as it had never before been used in response to protests; courts ultimately ruled that the invocation had been improper and led to the violation of constitutional rights. Canadian police forces have also been occasionally implicated in excessive use of force against protesters. Between 2019 and 2021, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police conducted militarized raids on the encampments of Wet’suwet’en indigenous protesters who attempted to block the construction of a natural gas pipeline through Wet’suwet’en land. According to a report by Amnesty International, police surveilled, harassed, and threatened unarmed protesters, engaging in disproportionate use of force.
The Canadian government does not engage in transnational repression; however, a growing number of threats targeting civil society members in Canada have been traced back to foreign authoritarian regimes seeking to silence criticism abroad. For example, in 2023, the former leader of the New Democratic Party, Jagmeet Singh, had to be placed under police protection after Canadian officials uncovered serious threats from non-state criminal actors with ties to the Indian government. The involvement of foreign actors has limited Canadian officials’ ability to fully protect civil society members and hold perpetrators accountable. However, the federal government has recognized these threats and is taking steps to protect Canada’s vibrant civil society. In August 2025, officials from the Carney administration announced the government’s intention to appoint Canada’s first foreign interference commissioner as part of a broader effort to combat transnational repression.
Institutions are independent and largely serve as a check on the government. Courts in Canada do not hesitate to issue decisions that are unfavorable to the party in power. Moreover, the real independence and efficiency of the judiciary serve to protect electoral integrity. Three major corruption scandals that emerged during the premiership of Justin Trudeau (2015 – 2025) have revealed some weaknesses in Canada’s relatively robust accountability mechanisms. However, Canadian institutions generally hold officials accountable for their actions.
The government has not undermined institutional independence to the point where cases or issues challenging the governing authority are no longer brought or are frequently dismissed. Effective separation of powers, as well as transparent mechanisms for the appointment, promotion, and sanctioning of judges, ensures the judiciary’s overall independence and ability to fairly consider cases that challenge the government. For example, in January 2024, a federal judge ruled that the government of then-Prime Minister Justin Trudeau had infringed the constitutional rights of protesters when it invoked the Emergencies Act to disperse convoys protesting government COVID-19 pandemic restrictions in 2022. With regard to Canada’s regulatory bodies, their independence is assured via transparent appointment and dismissal processes that usually involve all the political parties represented in the House of Commons. Regulatory officials usually report directly to the House of Commons rather than the executive, affording them real operational independence to oversee and investigate government actions.
Canadian courts have not unfairly failed to check, or enabled, the government’s attempts to significantly undermine electoral competition or make the electoral process significantly skewed in its favor. The real independence and efficiency of Canadian institutions serve to protect electoral integrity. For instance, the 2025 snap elections featured several close-call scenarios in which candidates won by thin margins—one Newfoundland race was determined by 12 votes. Elections Canada collaborated with the judiciary in order to address any electoral disputes in accordance with the federal electoral law. Federal law stipulates that automatic judicial recounts take place when the margin is less than one-thousandth of the total valid votes cast. Even without meeting this specific threshold, candidates can request a recount. The 2025 recounts were particularly important as they could determine whether the incumbent Liberal Party could pass the 172-seat threshold to lead a majority government. Elections Canada and the judiciary operated independently to resolve the closely disputed races and, ultimately, the Liberal Party fell short of a majority by three seats.
Judicial, legislative, or executive institutions have not frequently and unfairly failed to hold government officials accountable. The Office of the Conflict of Interest and Ethics Commissioner investigated former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau on three distinct occasions throughout his nine years in office. In 2017 and 2019, respectively, commissioners Mary Dawson and Mario Dion found Trudeau to have been in violation of the Conflict of Interest Act. In 2019, Justin Trudeau and members of his staff were implicated in attempts to exert pressure on former Attorney General Jody Wilson-Raybould in order to influence the outcome of a case against the construction company SNC-Lavalin. As a result, four members of Trudeau’s team resigned, and the Prime Minister issued a public apology. In 2021, Commissioner Dion cleared Trudeau of wrongdoing in a third ethics investigation, which elicited criticism from opposition members as well as from some members of civil society—the CSO Democracy Watch’s legal challenge to Dion’s 2021 Trudeau III Report was approved for review by the Supreme Court of Canada in May 2025. The final scandal of Trudeau’s premiership nonetheless resulted in the resignation of then-finance minister Bill Morneau, who was later found to be in violation of the Conflict of Interest Act. In order to further strengthen Canada’s accountability measures, some political leaders and civil society members have advocated for a partial reform of the Conflict of Interest Act, which would eliminate provisions that allowed Trudeau to avoid incurring financial penalties, as well as generally increase penalties for ethics violations.
